23 March 2007
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
The South African government is deeply concerned about the outbreak of
violence that has occurred in Kinshasa over the last 24 hours between the DRC
national army and the security officials of the former Presidential candidate
and leader of the opposition.
Mr Bemba has taken refuge in the South African compound from where he has
called for a truce and the United Nations Mission in the Congo (MONUC) is also
arranging for the other former presidential candidate Ruberwa to be moved to an
unspecified embassy.
MONUC is facilitating dialogue between all the forces to try to ensure that
there is an end to the fighting and that the objectives of what Africa, and the
world has worked for so long, i.e. to have peace, democracy and stability in
the DRC is protected.
The South African government appeals to all the forces in the DRC to
immediately cease hostilities and begin negotiations to allow the democratic
processes to continue.
Zimbabwe
South Africa welcomes the firm decision of the Zimbabwean courts demanding
the release of all those detained and the subsequent releases. We also welcome
that those injured have been allowed to leave Zimbabwe and travel to South
Africa for medical treatment.
South Africa remains concerned about the continuing tensions and violence in
Zimbabwe.
We remain convinced that the present situation is a reflection of the
underlying political, economic and social problems in Zimbabwe and which the
African Union (AU), Southern African Development Community (SADC) and South
Africa have been engaged in trying to resolve.
We therefore again urge all Zimbabweans to respect the rule of law and not
to take any actions that exacerbates the tensions which will make it difficult
to implement the call for national dialogue and reconciliation proposed by the
Reserve Bank Governor, Mr Gono.
It was quite evident that many of the parties in Zimbabwe including civil
society welcomed this call for dialogue and national reconciliation and that
violence in the last weeks should not delay these processes.
We also note the initiative of the religious leaders, "The Zimbabwe we
Want," which is also intended to contribute towards a national dialogue in the
country.
We believe the conditions are right for national dialogue to be escalated in
order to find a long term solution to the Zimbabwe crisis.
The statement by the South African government has been criticised for not
being strong enough, but this has not been followed by what is strong
enough.
The ANC has also put out a statement on the situation in Zimbabwe,
expressing its concerns and calling for all stakeholders to continue to seek
peaceful and inclusive solutions.
You are also aware of the statement made by the Chair of the AU
Commissioner, Mr Konare in which he "recalls the need for the scrupulous
respect for human rights and democratic principles in Zimbabwe," and "urges all
concerned parties to commence a sincere and constructive dialogue in order to
resolve the problems facing Zimbabwe."
The AU Chairperson, President Kufuor who has been in London addressing the
International Institute has also said, and I quote, "I want to tell you
straight away that I know that the AU is very uncomfortable. The situation in
(Zimbabwe) is very embarrassing."
He goes on to say, and I hope the media has noted this, I quote "I know
personally that presidents like (South Africa's Thabo Mbeki) tried desperately
to exercise some influence for the better � please don't think that Africa is
not concerned. Africa is very much concerned. What can Mbeki as a man do? Are
you proposing that Africa compose an expedition team to march on Zimbabwe and
oppose? It does not happen like that."
"We are in our various ways trying very hard."
As you know, the Chairman of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security Co-operation Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, visited Zimbabwe
where he briefed the Zimbabwean President on his recent visit to the
Scandinavian countries and also discussed the internal developments in
Zimbabwe. He will continue further consultations and it is expected that later
this month there will be a Summit of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security Co-operation in Dar-es-Salaam to discuss the regional situation
including the situation in Zimbabwe.
Yesterday, on the fringes of the SADC Ministerial meeting, a meeting of the
Double Troika was held. This meeting welcomed the efforts of President Kikwete
and indicated we will give full support to any efforts he will now make, on
behalf of SADC.
There has therefore been many activities that have been undertaken in the
last few weeks under the banner of what the media calls "quiet diplomacy" and
we call "constructive diplomacy."
I want to say that it is a matter of concern that the media is dealing with
the situation in Zimbabwe with too much sensationalism. I will give an example:
massive articles were run about 3 000 Angolan ninjas being deployed to Zimbabwe
without the facts being checked. There has been this tendency on many occasions
to make generalised statements without checking the facts. When we attempt to
verify this information we find these statements to be untrue although the
public is already under the impression that these events are taking place.
There has also been a tendency to challenge the positions of the South
African government while giving a lot of attention and credence to statements
of governments other than ours without contextualising what Africa is
attempting to do.
I want to reiterate: it is not our intention to make militant statements for
the purposes of self-gratification or to satisfy governments beyond Africa. We
are committed to dealing with this situation in a way that will enable us to
encourage the Zimbabweans to find a Zimbabwean solution to their
challenges.
As President Kufour said, if there are any illusions that we can send an
expedition by force to Zimbabwe, such stupid suggestions should be
rethought.
We will continue to deal with the situation in Zimbabwe as we have always
done: constructively, bilaterally and through SADC and the AU to see what we
can do to assist the Zimbabweans to find a solution.
There has been many ways to interpret what has been said by former President
Kaunda. To assert that this is the first time such things are being said is not
correct. Anybody will be able to see that all statements are saying the same
things albeit without emotive language.
It is our view that the South African media must play a more constructive
role in assisting us find a solution to the Zimbabwean crisis.
We do not believe that it is the job of the South African media to give
massive coverage to views of governments beyond Africa and to contrast it with
the views of the South African government. We do not think this is helpful to
finding a solution to the Zimbabwean challenges.
It is my view, that if outside governments had played a more constructive
role from the earlier stages than we would not be in the situation we now find
ourselves in. It is our appeal to those who criticise us from afar, and of whom
our media report quite eagerly, to work with us constructively to assist us
find a solution.
There is a strong view in Zimbabwe, whether you agree with it or not, that
the recent events have been orchestrated by external and internal forces that
favour regime change in the country. I must say that sometimes, when I look at
the way in which the South African media deals with this issue, I feel that the
ultimate goal of the media is regime change in Zimbabwe. I do not say that I
accept this view, but this is a strong view held by senior government officials
in Zimbabwe. Foreign diplomats in Zimbabwe have been briefed of this by the
Zimbabwean government.
Let's try to work together to see whether we can bring about the necessary
conditions for the Zimbabweans to resolve their challenges in a way that is in
the interests of all Zimbabweans, SADC and Africa.
South African Government statement on the current situation in Zimbabwe
The South African Government has noted reports emanating from Zimbabwe
regarding the current difficulties being experienced by the political
leadership in the country including the arrests, detention and reported assault
of some opposition leaders.
"South Africa expresses its concerns about these reports as well as the
deteriorating political and economic situation in Zimbabwe. In this regard, we
are of the view that the current difficulties are symptomatic of the broader
political and economic challenges facing Zimbabwe," said Deputy Minister Aziz
Pahad.
"Accordingly, South Africa has consistently maintained and moved from the
premise that only dialogue among the main political protagonists can help bring
about a lasting solution to the current political and economic challenges
facing Zimbabwe.
"In this context, South Africa will continue to monitor the situation
closely and work with all parties in Zimbabwe in the political, economic, trade
and social sectors to ensure the objective of dialogue among all political
parties is realised," continued Deputy Minister Pahad.
"Pursuant to this objective, South Africa urges the Zimbabwean Government to
ensure that the rule of law including respect for rights of all Zimbabweans and
leaders of various political parties is respected.
"Similarly, we appeal to leaders of opposition political parties to work
towards a climate that is conducive to finding a lasting solution to the
current challenges faced by the people of Zimbabwe," concluded Deputy Minister
Pahad.
ANC statement on current situation in Zimbabwe
The African National Congress is concerned about the current situation in
Zimbabwe, including reports of the alleged assault of opposition leaders while
in police custody.
The ANC trusts that a thorough investigation will be conducted into these
allegations, and that any necessary action be taken in accordance with the
law.
The ANC reiterates its call on all stakeholders in Zimbabwe to respect and
uphold the constitution and law of the land, and work to safeguard the rights
of all citizens.
We further reiterate our call to all stakeholders in Zimbabwe to continue to
seek peaceful and inclusive solutions.
In line with the spirit and positions of the African Union (AU) and Southern
African Development Community (SADC), the South African government should
continue to seek to assist the people and leaders of Zimbabwe to address the
challenges facing the country.
For its part, the ANC will continue to engage all parties in Zimbabwe in the
effort to achieve an outcome that serves the interests of the Zimbabwean
people. It will continue to do so in a spirit of respect, friendship and
solidarity.
Comments by African Union
AU commission chief Alpha Oumar Konare "recalls the need for the scrupulous
respect for human rights and democratic principles in Zimbabwe."
"He urges all concerned parties to commence a sincere and constructive
dialogue in order to resolve the problems facing Zimbabwe."
The statement said that Konare had followed recent developments in Zimbabwe
with great concern.
Comments by AU Chairperson John Kufuor
The chairman of the African Union, Ghanaian President John Kufuor, said this
week that the organisation found the turmoil in Zimbabwe "very embarrassing."
Tanzania's president travelled to Zimbabwe on Thursday for talks to try to
defuse the situation.
"I want to tell you straight away that I know that the AU is very
uncomfortable. The situation in (Zimbabwe) is very embarrassing."
"I know personally that presidents like (South Africa's Thabo Mbeki) tried
desperately to exercise some influence for the better � please don't think that
Africa is not concerned. Africa is very much concerned. What can Mbeki as a man
do? Are you proposing that Africa compose an expedition team to march on
Zimbabwe and oppose? It does not happen like that."
"We are in our various ways trying very hard."
He went on to say:
"The African Union of which I am the current Chair, is really concerned
about any trouble spots anywhere on the continent, and I want to say our
concern is that in the spirit of the African Union, and especially NEPAD � the
New Partnership for Africa's Development � we want the rule of law, more than
any other way, to be the main agency of governance. Violence, beating up
anybody and using brutal force shouldn't be the way forward. The rule of law,
accountable government, allowing constitutions to work properly, should be the
way forward for all of us. This is our approach."
Visit by Chair of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security
Co-operation to Zimbabwe, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete
The president of Tanzania Jakaya Kikwete, one of three Southern African
nations appointed by the Southern African Development Community to try to
address the political crisis in Zimbabwe, met with Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe in Zimbabwe last week.
The Tanzanian Foreign Minister Bernard Membe announced, following the
meeting between Presidents Kikwete and Mugabe in Harare last week, that SADC
would meet in Dar-es-Salaam later this month to discuss the situation in
Zimbabwe.
Somalia
Current developments
We are extremely concerned about the escalating violence in Somalia.
Over the last few days the violence has intensified enormously, and at a
time when the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces who are mainly
Ugandan have been deployed to Mogadishu.
AMISOM
On 21 February 2007, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed
resolution 1744 to make provision for the deployment of the AU Mission in
Somalia (AMISOM). Pursuant to this resolution, on 6 March 2007, AMISOM
peacekeepers began to arrive in Mogadishu. This represents the first batch of
peacekeepers to land in Somalia since 1995 when the United Nations (UN) pulled
out of that country. The peacekeepers, all of whom are from Uganda, are part of
the planned 8 000 large peacekeeping force to be deployed in Somalia as
authorised by the UN to help the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) assert
its authority and to allow Ethiopian forces to leave.
Apart from Ugandan troops, Burundi has promised 1 500 to 1600 soldiers;
Nigeria 850; Ghana 350; and Malawi an unknown number. Algeria is helping to
airlift the Ugandans while the United States is providing cash and logistics to
Uganda, and France will help the Burundians.
According to the AU, the countries providing the troops are responsible for
their command structures. "The AU was part of the Somali peace process and is
providing guidelines, has signed agreements with troop-contributing countries
and will facilitate bilateral meetings with partners," Ba said. "But the
countries are responsible for their own command structures and deployment."
He said the main problem facing the operation was not troops, but financial
and logistical challenges. "The attacks [on the troops] could force a review
[of operations], but right now getting the troops in is not the problem because
we have 53 AU member states."
The plan to deploy the AU troops has been welcomed by several countries and
international organisations, including the United Nations, with
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon appealing to the international community to
assist the AU in mobilising funds and other assistance.
The South African government is concerned that although the peace
initiatives are welcomed and supported by the international community, this is
often just verbal support and not supported by the financial and logistical
support to ensure that forces on the ground can cope with the serious
situation.
The South African government is concerned that AMISOM has come under attack
in Somalia. It seems that increasingly calls are being made by Somali parties
to increase attacks on AMISOM. On 7 March 2007, gunmen fired rockets and
grenades at an AU armoured vehicle. No peacekeepers were wounded during the
attack. Some groups have called on Somalis to fight AU peacekeepers arriving in
Somalia. Ethiopians are also facing attacks in the war-torn Somalia. On 10
March 2007, a military convoy from Ethiopia was attacked in Lower Shabelle
province while on its way to Mogadishu.
The Somali Deputy Defence Minister Salad Ali Jeele issued a statement, "that
his troops are ready to fill a 'power vacuum' in the restive capital,
Mogadishu," with the help of African Union peacekeepers. Hundreds of Somali
troops, who are part of more than 4 000 troops that finished their military
training in Baledogle arrived in Mogadishu on 9 March. They will also be
involved in disarmament operations in the volatile capital.
South Africa supports the Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon call for dialogue
among Somalia's warring factions. The risk of renewed and prolonged insecurity,
he said, would increase unless the TFG rapidly consolidated its authority and
ensured stability and the rule of law. "An inclusive dialogue and a genuine
political process are the only way to achieve a sustainable peace that denies
dissatisfied groups a rallying point."
The semblance of order and security had begun to deteriorate in Mogadishu,
with armed roadblocks, checkpoints, banditry and violence. The fall of the
Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) had also brought to the fore some clan rivalries
that had been suppressed, while the "true intentions and future influence of
the former warlords remain to be seen. The [TFG] must reach out to key
political and social forces in Somalia and engage in an inclusive
dialogue."
"Those who renounce violence and extremism and pledge to constructively
engage in achieving a sustainable political settlement in Somalia should be
included in the process."
The fleeing of civilians from Somalia's strife-torn capital, Mogadishu, has
also escalated over the past weeks, bringing the total number of those
displaced from the city to nearly 20 000. Recently there was a mass exodus of
Somali immigrants to Yemen, of which approximately 107 Somalis died trying to
reach Yemen illegally.
Sudan
This is another area of great concern for the South African government. As
you know, the Human Rights Council is at the moment discussing the report of
the Human Rights Mission to Sudan.
The Human Rights Mission Report
Underscoring the "solemn obligation of the international community to
exercise its responsibility to protect," the report details the grim situation
in Darfur, highlighting that killing of civilians remains 'widespread,' along
with the systematic use of rape and sexual violence. It also makes
recommendations to the Council itself, the Sudanese Government, the various
armed rebel movements and the international community.
"The Government of the Sudan should co-operate fully in the deployment of
the proposed UN-AU peacekeeping/protection force without further delay," the
report states. "Sudan should end the targeting of civilians in Darfur, cease
all support for Janjaweed/militia forces, and proceed with the disarmament,
demobilisation and reintegration of such forces."
The mission also called on the Government to remove all obstacles to the
delivery of humanitarian assistance to the millions in need in the region. The
UN says more than 200 000 people have been killed and at least 2 million others
forced to flee their homes since 2003, while in total, some 4 million civilians
need assistance to survive in Darfur, which is in the west of Sudan.
The report also calls on all armed rebel movements operating in the region
to strictly observe and respect international law, and ensure the free and safe
access and movement of humanitarian personnel. It also urges them to
"co-operate in good faith" in the pursuit of peace.
In addition, it calls on the Security Council to take "further action" to
ensure the protection of civilians in Darfur, including through the deployment
of the proposed UN-AU force, while recommending that the Human Rights Council
should help set up an independent national rights commission for Sudan "to
address the grave situation."
The Sudanese government on Tuesday, 13 March 2007 rejected as invalid the
findings of a United Nations human rights mission that accused Khartoum of
orchestrating and taking part in gross violations in Darfur.
Sudan's Justice Minister Mohamed Ali Elmardi also told the UN's Human Rights
Council, which had dispatched the mission, that the humanitarian situation in
Sudan's vast western region was "much more stable now."
"We therefore strongly and resolutely oppose any consideration by this
esteemed council of any report that comes out of this mission," he said.
Report by the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA)
UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, other UN agencies
and non-governmental partners said camps for internally displaced persons in
the western Sudanese region of Darfur are almost at full capacity due to a
continuing influx of people fleeing violence.
In North Darfur, As Salaam camp cannot take any more displaced people due to
water shortages, while Abu Shouk has been closed to newcomers and Zam Zam is
very close to maximum capacity, said the Sudan Humanitarian Overview for
February.
According to the report, 30 000 people were displaced across Darfur in
February, bringing the total number of people who have fled violence in the
region since January to 80 000.
The largest displacements took place in South Darfur, where Sudanese
government and militia attacks sent 25 000 into the bush. In West Darfur, 12
595 have been displaced, while North Darfur reported 11 500 displaced since
January.
Sexual and physical assaults on civilians continue to be reported daily, and
access restrictions, bureaucracy and targeted violence impede humanitarian
operations.
According to the report, access for aid agencies in Darfur dropped to 64
percent in January and 20 percent of the affected people could not be reached
by any humanitarian agency. "An average of 2,45 million people, 70 percent of
the conflict-affected population, remain food insecure," it noted.
The report, however, noted that clashes between government and rebel forces
had fallen in February compared with December and January, as had aerial
bombings.
Humanitarian activities resumed in Tawilla and Khazan Tungur, North Darfur,
but lack of sufficient safety guarantees delayed resumption in Gereida, South
Darfur.
We have to act decisively to ensure we can have the UN hybrid forces on the
ground as soon as possible to halt the humanitarian crisis on the ground.
UN- AU Forces
President El Bashir's reply letter to the United Nations Secretary General,
Ban Ki-Moon
On 6 March 2007, President El Bashir forwarded his reply letter to the
United Nations Secretary General (UNSG) Ban Ki'Moon:
"In our opinion, the most important aspect of the proposed United Nations
Support Package is to re-energise and successfully accomplish the political
process within the framework of the Darfur Peace Agreement. The political
settlement of the Darfur problem, under the auspices and participation of both
the African Union and the United Nations, is the best course of action, given
the special nature and complexity of the problem. The political process must
therefore be re-energised and accelerated as a priority.
I assured the two envoys (UN and AU) [of our] unwavering stance, full and
unqualified support for the political process.
The efforts yet to be exerted must be protected from negative political
interferences.
The Darfur Peace Agreement, "DPA", is a framework and reference upon which
the United Nations should found and deliver its proposed support packages.
Proposals that tend to amend, nullify or suspend any article of the DPA will
not be acceptable as it may reopen discussions over issues that were previously
settled with difficulty. As an exception, some aspects of the DPA could be
revisited, subject to the outcome of the efforts made to enjoin the
non-signatories within the framework of the Political process, an equally
important part of the proposed support packages, and with the consent of all
parties concerned.
The objective of the proposed support packages is to enable the African
Union to carry on its tasks in accordance with the provisions of the DPA. Our
understanding of the United Nations support packages it that the UN will
provide technical, logistical, financial expertise and civil and military
consultants with ranks below that of the military commander appointed by the
AU. In phase three, the AU forces implementing that phase, in terms of control
or command, must remain forces of the African Union, supported by the United
Nations as per the two packages.
Paragraph 20 of the Final Report stated: "UN member States have indicated
that full UN involvement in command and control would be a prerequisite for UN
funding and troop contribution to the HSP."
The Communique of the 66th meeting of the AU Peace and Security Council held
in Abuja on 30 November 2006 clarified these matters in paragraphs:
* 2b which reads: "The Force Commander, who should be an Africa, shall be
appointed by the Chairperson of the Commission in consultation with the
Secretary-General of the United Nations"
* 2c which reads: "the mission shall benefit from United Nations backstopping
and command and control structures and systems"
* 2d which reads: "the size of the force shall be determined by the African
Union and United Nations taking into account all relevant factors and the
situation on the ground, as well as the requirements for it to effectively
discharge its mandate."
It is important that these matters be clarified.
My government is committed to continue supporting the humanitarian efforts
and to extend all necessary and possible facilitations through an energised
fast track, appreciating of course the positive roles undertaken by different
organisations as well as the partners. Despite some conflicting humanitarian
indicators with regard to malnutrition, mortality rates and the final
humanitarian situation in general, my hope is that through the Tripartite
Mechanism we would be able to harmonise the various features of the second
phase of the UN support package to ensure consistency with the DPA, the Addis
Ababa consultations and the outcome of the Abuja AU Peace and Security Council
meeting. I propose that the Tripartite Mechanism also be tasked with specifying
the format and content of Phase Three after finalising the implementation of
Phase one and two.
South Africa's position
South Africa reiterates its support for the re-energising of the political
processes in line with the AU and UN objectives in the Sudan. In this respect,
South Africa urges the rebel groups outside the DPA to adopt a common position
in preparation for further talks with the Government of Sudan (GoS).
South Africa, in line with the AU and UN, supports the UN three-phased
approach as agreed to in Addis Ababa by the GoS on 30 November 2006.
The African Union endorsed on 30 November 2006 a three-phased United Nations
support to the African Union Mission in the Sudan:
* a light support package
* a heavy support package
* a hybrid operation.
With respect to the hybrid operation the Council decided that:
* The Special representative shall be jointly appointed by the Chairperson
of the Commission of the African Union and the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, after appropriate consultations as per the practice.
* The Force Commander, who should be an African, shall be appointed by the
Chairperson of the Commission in consultation with the Secretary-General of the
United Nations
* The Mission shall benefit from United Nations backstopping and command and
control structures and systems
* The size of the force shall be determined by the African Union and the United
Nations, taking into account all relevant factors and the situation on the
ground, as well as the requirements for it to effectively discharge its
mandate.
South Africa is concerned at the delays by the GoS in implementing the
African Union and UN Security Council resolutions. The mandate of the AU
Mission in Sudan (AMIS) is due to end on 30 June 2007 and that the funding for
AMIS is also running dry.
The Tripartite Mechanism should meet urgently to resolve the different
interpretations of the various AU and UN Security Council resolutions.
International Reactions
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon
"I expressed my regret (about his reply) � that he made a number of
reservations on ideas that were jointly proposed by the United Nations and
African Union," adding that he had urged President El-Bashir to accept the
proposals for the hybrid force.
"There is growing frustration among the members of the United Nations,
particularly the Security Council � my Special Representative and the AU
Special Representative are going to visit Sudan next week again."
"My own hope is that as we have been going through this political dialogue
with the Sudanese government and even though the response letter of President
El-Bashir was not a satisfactory one, now I'm in the process of making all
diplomatic efforts, including AU leaders."
Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon accepted President El-Bashir's invitation to
visit Sudan and said the details will be finalised through diplomatic
channels.
United Kingdom: British UN Ambassador Emyr Jones Parry called the letter
from the Sudan's President a major setback that the United Nations Security
Council (UNSC) needed to discuss. He said the letter was disappointing and
tantamount to a requirement for a re-negotiation of some of the points in the
package. Britain, as well as other European countries favour sanctions against
the Sudan.
Ambassador Emyr Jones Parry also said that it was time to put pressure on
Sudan because the letter from Bashir "amounts to a renegotiation" of earlier
agreements: "I would put down a resolution on sanctions next week on that basis
that I would expect to get it adopted."
China: China's UN Ambassador called on the Sudan's President to explain his
reply letter to the UNSG. As far as China is concerned, on 30 November 2006 in
Addis Ababa, the understanding was clear that all the Parties are committed to
the Plan. However, from the Chinese perspective it seems that there are
miscommunications and misunderstandings on the Sudanese part.
United States: Acting US Ambassador Alejandro Wolff said he had not studied
the letter from President El Bashir but was not surprised at the initial
indications of firm resistance and no progress. Wolff further said the US would
see whether it was time to pursue further sanctions against the Sudan.
France: French President Jacques Chirac on Tuesday 20 March 2007 threatened
Sudan with sanctions if the "crimes against humanity" in the war-torn region of
Darfur continued.
"I say solemnly: if the attacks continue, if agreements are not respected,
the (United Nations) Security Council will have no other choice but to adopt
sanctions. We are already working on it," he said in a message read out during
a meeting organised by French group Urgence Darfur in Paris.
"And everything must be done to ensure the UN and African Union forces can
be deployed to Darfur," he added.
African Mission in Sudan (AMIS)
Like Somalia, we are also concerned that African forces in Sudan, AMIS have
come under attack in Darfur. On 5 March 2007, two AMIS soldiers were killed and
one was injured when forces opened fire on 4 soldiers. Since its deployment in
2004, AMIS has suffered eleven casualties. The situation in Darfur,
particularly the implementation of the DPA as the implicated soldiers belong to
the SLA faction led by Minni Minnawi who is the signatory to the DPA and the
Senior Assistant in the Sudan Presidency.
On Tuesday, 13 March 2007 Rwanda threatened to withdraw its troops from
Sudan's Darfur region unless more resources are committed to the African
peacekeeping force.
Rwanda has about 2 000 troops forming the backbone of the 7 000-strong
African Union (AU) force in Darfur, which is facing a shortage of money and
equipment.
Paul Kagame, the Rwandan president, told reporters: "The AU ...is being
overstretched in the sense that it has no capacity, no logistics, no funds and
is facing weaknesses in co-ordination.
People are still dying, the rebels and government are still clashing," he
said. "We have given our support, but there are no results on the ground."
The European Union (EU) which has provided most of the financing for AMIS
appealed for wider international financial support for AMIS. It is reported
that the EU's Special Peace Support Fund for Africa has run dry. An extra
US$262 million is needed for the Mission to maintain its presence until the
expiry of its mandate in June 2007.
It is clear that the international community cannot expect Africa to play
its role in conflict resolution, and in this case conflict prevention and peace
enforcement if the necessary assistance is not provided to the African
troops.
Our concern is that although, quite correctly, much attention is being
placed on Darfur, not enough attention is being placed on the implementation of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
The implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
On 10 March 2007, President El Bashir and his two Vice Presidents, Salva
Kiir Mayardit and Ali Osman Taha, two Ministers of State in the Presidency and
the commanders of the Joint Defence Board (JDB) held a meeting to review the
work of the JBD. The meeting was briefed by the Head of the JDB, Wiay Deng who
stated that the work of the JBD on security arrangements was progressing well
as stated in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, especially on matters related
to the Joint Integration Units (JIUs). The only problem is the issue of
outstanding financial entitlements to Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA)
troops in the JIUs.
The Presidency responded by urging the Sudan Ministry of Finance to resolve
the issue as soon as possible and also called for better co-ordination between
the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the SPLA. In addition, the Presidency called
for the commencement of the training of all JIUs personnel within a period of
one month. On the agenda for the next meeting are the issues of the Abyei
border dispute and the other armed groups in the Sudan.
Further to its campaign to fight corruption, the Government of Southern
Sudan (GOSS) on 10 March 2007 arrested the Director-General in the GOSS
Ministry of Finance on the charges of corruption. It will be recalled that in
February 2007, the GOSS Minister of Finance, Arthur Akuein, was accused of
embezzling US$1 million. Retired Brig. Martin Malual, former Sudan Minister of
Cabinet Affairs has also been arrested on similar allegations of corruption.
The GOSS Legislative Assembly has resolved to establish committees to further
investigate allegations against the Director General and Brig. Martin
Malual.
On 6 March 2007 the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)
launched a US$56,1 million appeal for its operation in Southern Sudan. The
money will be used to assist with the return of more than 100 000 refugees from
nearby countries, the resettlement of 25 000 internally displaced persons, the
provision of reintegration packages to returnees, the rehabilitation of health
clinics and schools in the region and the improvement of shelter and
sanitation.
Sudan suspends links with International Criminal Court (ICC)
Sudan has decided to suspend all co-operation with the International
Criminal Court in response to its accusations that Sudanese officials were
involved in war crimes in Darfur, the justice minister said on Sunday, 18 March
2007.
"We had extended our co-operation with the ICC for some time, but now the
situation is completely different," Justice Minister Mohammed Ali al-Mardi said
from Geneva, where he was attending a United Nations Human Rights Council
meeting.
"It's not even a question of co-operation anymore, it's a question that they
(the ICC) want to try Sudanese citizens, which is absolutely nonsensical," the
justice minister said.
Burundi
Developments in Peace Process
On 17 February 2007, 17 members of the core leadership of the
Paliphehutu-FNL returned to Bujumbura. They will be sitting on the Joint
Verification and Monitoring Mechanism (JVMM) and the Joint Liaison Teams
(JLTs). The JVMM is the structure that oversees the ceasefire and the JLTs are
subsidiary structures of the JVMM.
The first meeting of the JVMM was held on 19 January 2007. The Facilitator
and Ambassador JNK Mamabolo were present, as were the representatives of AU, UN
Mission in Burundi (ONUB) and the representatives of the Regional Technical
Team (consisting of personnel from Uganda and Tanzania). The JVMM agreed on the
establishment of six JLTs:
* JLT for the Release of Political and War Prisoners
* JLT for the Movement of Combatants from Locations to Assembly Areas
* JLT for Assembly Areas
* JLT for the Demobilisation Centres
* JLT for Human Resource Development
* JLT for Training.
The Facilitation has received donor support from donors:
* France has provided �150,000
* Belgium pledged �250,000 (post assembly period)
* The Netherlands has pledged +/-R20 million.
These funding contributions will assist with the establishment of the
Assembly Areas, provide for welfare of the combatants in the Assembly Areas,
and assist with the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR)
process. A number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), inter-governmental
organisations (IGOs) and Government have indicated that they may assist once
the combatants have moved to the Assembly Areas.
Cote d'Ivoire
Ouagadougou Agreement
A 'Political Agreement' was concluded on 4 March 2007 in Ouagadougou between
President Gbagbo and rebel leader Guillaume Soro under the mediation of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Chairman, President Blaise
Compaore.
The South African government welcomes this decision and will fully support
efforts to ensure the speedy implementation of this agreement.
The Ouagadougou Political Agreement on Cote d'Ivoire encapsulates elements
of both UNSC Resolution 1721 and President Gbagbo's Five Point Plan with the
latter seeking to address the following issues: national dialogue with the
rebels; the disarmament and the reunification of the country; the cancellation
of the confidence zone; creation of a National Civic Service; establishment of
an Aid Programme for the return of the displaced war victims.
The agreement contains elements aimed at paving the way for the
implementation of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1721 on
Cote d'Ivoire, as follows:
Census of Population
The parties acknowledged the lack of a clear and coherent census as well as
the lack of national document to attest the identity and citizenship of
individuals. In this regard the following measures were taken:
* The re-launching of the itinerant public audiences for the establishment
of birth certificates.
* The restoration of lost or destroyed births, marriages and deaths
records.
* The organisation of the production of new IDs (National Identification Cards
and Residence Permits).
* Identification on the basis of the new electoral list.
Electoral process
The parties in the direct dialogue repeated their commitment to the
organisation of open democratic and transparent presidential elections in
accordance with the Linas Marcoussis Agreement as soon as the identification
process is completed. To this end the following point were agreed upon:
* the enrolment on the electoral list
* publication of the electoral list
* production and distribution of voter's cards
* collaboration with organisations working in the electoral process.
Defence and Security of Cote d'Ivoire
The parties agreed to proceed with the unification of the two belligerent
forces by creating an integrated operational structure that will implement the
following:
* the creation of an integrated commandment centre to adopt its own
operational programme and work under the authority of the Chief of Staff of the
FANCI and the Chief of Staff of the army of the New Forces
* the speedy establishment of the national programme of disarmament,
demobilisation and rehabilitation (DDR).
* setting up and enrolment in the Civics Service by the ex-combatants.
* National reconciliation, Peace, Security and the free movement of people and
goods: In this connection the following measures were taken:
* removal of the arms embargo and importation of light weapons three months
after the presidential elections, with the assistance of the UNSC and the
ECOWAS Mediator.
* the elimination of the Zone of Confidence and the establishment of the green
line from East to West to be monitored by impartial forces
* promulgations of the Amnesty Law to exclude certain crimes
* the waving of sanctions against certain Ivorians involved in the national
crisis
* setting up of the programme for the return of the displaced Ivorians
* adherence by all parties to the Code of Good Behaviour to avert biased
interpretation of this accord.
Follow-up and Consultation mechanism
A Permanent Framework for Consultation was set up to periodically examine
any issue relating to the present agreement.
The forum is composed as follows:
* Mr Laurent Gbagbo, President of the Republic
* Mr Guillaume Soro, Secretary General of the New Forces
* Mr Alassane Ouattara, President of the RDR
* Mr Konan Bedi, President of the PDCI
* Mr Blaise Compaore, ECOWAS Chairman.
Decree re: creation of military structure
President Laurent Gbagbo has signed a decree creating a military structure
that includes rebel forces.
The new integrated command centre will include equal numbers of government
troops and rebels, and will work to demobilise militias from both sides.
The initiative is one of the steps agreed in a recent peace deal aimed at
ending years of civil war.
Outcomes of the 13th International Working Group
The Group paid tribute to the President of Burkina Faso, HE Mr Blaise
Compaore, for his untiring facilitation efforts in a spirit of Cupertino and
appeasement. It encouraged him to pursue these efforts in order to reach, as
soon as possible, an agreement that can re-launch the peace process in Cote
d'Ivoire in keeping with the expectations of the Ivorian populations. In this
regard, the Group welcomes the fact that the direct dialogue deals with
fundamental issues mentioned in resolution 1721 that are at the core of the
Ivorian crisis, namely: identification, the restructuring of the defence and
security forces, DDR, DDM, the redeployment of the administration, and the
preparation of elections. The Group appeals to the Ivorian parties to take
ownership of the peace process within the framework of resolution 1721. The
Group stresses that the agreement to be concluded by the Ivorian parties must
permit the normalisation of the situation in C�te d'Ivoire.
The Group heard a briefing by the commanders of the impartial forces, who
mentioned the fragility of the situation in the country and recalled the
security risk that would result from a stagnation of the peace process.
The Group stressed that any global agreement reached at the direct dialogue
will not be able to facilitate the settlement of the Ivorian crisis unless the
signatories translate into action their will to achieve peace by fulfilling all
their commitments in good faith.
The Group will hold its next meeting on 13 April 2007 in Cote d'Ivoire.
Comments by Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon
Following the signing of a peace agreement between the rival leaders in Cote
d'Ivoire, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon called on the
international community to be ready to provide key help in such fields as
disarmament, security sector reform and preparations for elections in the
divided country.
"The United Nations stands ready, and continues to prepare and assist
Ivorian parties in implementing rapidly and in a comprehensive manner the many
key tasks related to those processes."
"The support of the international community for the political process should
be complemented by commensurate efforts to address the humanitarian situation
in the country," he writes, urging donors to contribute generously to the 2007
UN appeal for Cote d'Ivoire.
Middle East
I think that we have in the last few days seen some very historic
decisions.
Palestinian Unity Government
Prime Minister Ismail Haniya, announced after talks with President Mahmoud
Abbas, on Wednesday, 14 March 2007, that Fatah and Hamas, the rival Palestinian
factions, have agreed on the composition of a Palestinian unity government. We
believe this is a very representative Cabinet and is the first time in the
history of the Palestinian people that there is such a Cabinet.
Palestinian Cabinet
Prime minister: Ismail Haniya, Hamas
Deputy prime minister: Azzam al-Ahmad, Fatah
Culture: Bassam El Salehi, Peoples party (Communist)
Foreign: Ziad Abu Amr, Independent
Finance: Salam Fayad, Independent
Health: Radwan al-Akhras, Fatah
Information: Mustafa Barghouti, Independent
Interior: Hani al-Qawasmi, Independent
Transportation: Saidi al-Krunz, Fatah
Planning: Sameer Abu Aicheh, Independent
Public works: Samih al Abed, Fatah
Prisoner Affairs: Suleiman Abu Sneina, Fatah, West Bank
Secretary of state: Khuloud Ehdeib, Independent
Social Affairs: Saleh Ziedan, Democratic Front for the Liberation of
Palestine
Agenda of the Unity Government
The government confirms that ending the Israeli occupation is the key for
achieving peace in the Palestinian territories, recognising the Palestinian
peoples right of self-determination, the government will co-operate with the
international community for ending the Israeli occupation, and the restoration
of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people which will enable us to
construct a solid ground for peace, security and prosperity in the region.
The government abides by protecting and saving the higher interests and
rights of the Palestinian people, preserving their achievements and developing
it, implementing their national goals, according to national councils, basic
law articles, the national reconciliation document and the Arab summits'
resolutions, up on this basis the government will respect the resolutions of
the international legitimacy and the accords which were signed by the
Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO).
The government confirms that resistance is a legitimate right for the
Palestinian people which is approved by all norms and international documents,
our people have the right to defend themselves against any Israeli occupation,
the government believes that stopping resistance is related to ending the
Israeli occupation.
However, through national reconciliation, the government will do its best to
stabilise the ceasefire accord and will continue expanding it to achieve an
overall mutual ceasefire accord in exchange for ending the Israeli occupation,
assassinations, raids, needs, demolishing houses, Jerusalem excavations,
lifting check points, roadblocks, re-opening crossings, lifting restrictions on
frequent movement and releasing prisoners.
The government abides by what was stated in the national reconciliation
document concerning negotiations with Israel, where the PLO is designated to
hold negotiations with Israel and the Palestinian Authority Chairman on the
basis of adhering to the Palestinian national goals and implementing it,
however any fateful agreement will be presented for a vote of confidence in the
Palestinian Legislative Council first, or will be subjected to a public
referendum inside and outside Palestine.
The government will support all efforts done regarding releasing the
abducted Israeli soldier Saleet and achieving an honourable prisoners' swap
deal.
The government stresses on its Arabic and Islamic depth, it will establish
correct, strong relations and ties with different countries in the world as
well as with the international associations including the UN and the Security
Council, and regional international organisations, this will help in
strengthening peace and world stability. The European Union (EU) has offered a
lot of aid to our Palestinian people and its supported its right for
independence and freedom, the EU had serious policies in criticising the
Israeli policy towards Palestinians, that is why we are concerned about
building strong and solid relations with the EU, we still expect a bigger role
from the EU to push Israel to respect the human rights which were stated by
international documents and its withdrawal from all the Palestinian
territories, stopping all continuous aggression towards our people.
The government will also develop its relations with the permanent members of
the Security Council (Russia, China, Japan, African states and Asian states)
thus ensuring the rights of our Palestinian people. In the meantime the
government will call on the United States to reconsider its unfair stance on
the Palestinian case and it will call on the US administration to respect the
Palestinian people's choice represented in the formation of the unity
government.
Position of South African government
South Africa welcomes this historic development.
All Palestinian leaders have put the interests of the Palestinian people at
the top of their agenda.
United in action, the Palestinians can now, decisively, struggle for a
Palestinian state living side by side with an Israeli state.
Again, the EU, the US, the Quartet and Israel have given a qualified welcome
to the formation of the unity government and have indicated that they will not
lift sanctions and normalise relations with the Palestinian government.
The South African government believes this is a very short-sighted approach
and calls on the USA, the EU, Israel and other countries that have imposed
sanctions against the Palestinian Authority to immediately lift these sanctions
and start genuine talks without pre-conditions with the Palestinian
Authority.
We call on Israel to release the Palestinian funds that it has blocked since
the Palestinian elections in January 2006.
We call on the Palestinian Authority to stop all rocket attacks against
Israel. This has only resulted in massive Israeli military and other repressive
actions and has undermined the just Palestinian cause internationally.
We call for the release of all political prisoners.
Without resolving the Palestinian-Israeli issue, no other major challenges
in the region, including terrorism, can be solved.
We urge the Security Council, the Arab League and the Quartet to fulfil its
responsibilities and to seize the moment to ensure that at last we achieve a
negotiated outcome based on the two-state solution.
We do sincerely hope that the countries who are making a qualified and
sometimes begrudging recognition of the Palestinian government should not lose
this opportunity. We therefore eagerly watch the Arab League Summit that will
take place next week because we believe the neighbours must take a decisive
stand on the issue. The opportunity is there for a solution and any attempt to
minimise this historic moment will create the conditions for more tension and
violence.
South Africa has been in touch with all sectors of Palestinian society
before the formation of the unity government. We will now intensify our efforts
to assist the Palestinian government move from their isolation.
International reactions
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon
In an interview earlier this week, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon said, he
was disappointed that the new Palestinian coalition government did not endorsed
the three basic peace principles set down by the Middle East Quartet, namely
recognition of Israel, acceptance of previous agreements signed by the PLO and
the Jewish state and renunciation of violence.
"It is important that parties concerned should respect the right to exist,
particularly Israel's, and engage in dialogue without resorting to violence,"
he said.
Middle East Quartet Statement
(United Nations, Russian Federation, the United States and European
Union)
The Quartet Principals - Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, US
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, United Nations Secretary-General Ban
Ki-Moon, High Representative for European Foreign and Security Policy Javier
Solana, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, and European
Commissioner for External Relations Benita Ferrero-Waldner - discussed by
telephone the situation in the Middle East, and in particular the establishment
of a Palestinian National Unity Government.
The Quartet reiterated its respect for Palestinian democracy and the
agreement reached in Mecca on 8 February 2007, which laid the foundation for
Palestinian reconciliation. The Quartet expressed hope that the establishment
of a new government on 17 March 2007 would help end intra-Palestinian violence
and ensure calm. The Quartet reaffirmed its previous statements with regard to
the need for a Palestinian government committed to non-violence, recognition of
Israel and acceptance of previous agreements and obligations, including the
Roadmap, and encouraged progress in this direction. The Quartet agreed that the
commitment of the new government in this regard will be measured not only on
the basis of its composition and platform, but also its actions.
The Quartet expressed its expectation that the unity government will act
responsibly, demonstrate clear and credible commitment to the Quartet
principles, and support the efforts of President Abbas to pursue a two-state
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, thereby achieving the peace,
security, and freedom the Israeli and Palestinian people desire and
deserve.
The Quartet reiterated the continuing need to co-ordinate and mobilise
international assistance in support of the Palestinian people, and endorsed the
continuation of the Temporary International Mechanism (TIM) for a three-month
period while it evaluates the situation and the international community works
to develop a more sustainable international mechanism for support to the
Palestinians.
The Quartet expressed its strong support for Secretary Rice's efforts to
further facilitate discussions with President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert
with the aim of defining more clearly the political horizon for the
establishment of a Palestinian state and an end to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. The Quartet agreed to meet in the region soon to review developments
and discuss the way ahead.
Israel
Deputy Defence Minister Ephraim Sneh on Friday, 16 March 207 said Israel
must boycott the incoming Palestinian unity government but continue to work
with president Mahmud Abbas to defeat Hamas.
"Israel cannot give legitimacy to the Palestinian unity government by
co-operating with it while it rejects the principles of the Quartet," Sneh told
Israeli public radio.
"To cause the failure of Hamas, we need a moderate Palestinian alternative
and for that purpose we must negotiate only with Abu Mazen (Abbas)," he
added.
European Union
European Union said it welcomed the formation of the government, although it
remained cautious about a possible resumption of aid.
"The EU will carefully assess the platform and actions of the new government
and its ministers," it said in a statement.
Norway
Norway today Monday, 19 March 2007 restored full relations with the
Palestinian Authority on Monday after Ismail Haniya's Hamas movement and
president Mahmoud Abbas's Fatah faction formed a unity government on
Saturday.
Raymond Johansen, Norway's deputy foreign minister, said: "We hope that all
the European countries, and even other countries, will ... support this unity
government."
"We hope that this unity government will work hard in order to fulfil the
expectations from the international community."
Other Developments
Arab League
The Arab League Summit scheduled for 28 March 2007 held under the banner,
'The Summit of Solidarity,' is expected to focus on the relaunch of the Arab
peace plan to settle the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Visit to region by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will travel to Aswan, Egypt; Jerusalem;
Ramallah; and Amman, Jordan March 23-27, 2007. In addition to bilateral
meetings with representatives from the Israeli government and the Palestinian
Authority, Secretary Rice will meet with the foreign ministers of the Arab
Quartet and with Egyptian President Mubarak in Aswan. She will also meet with
Jordanian King Abdullah in Amman. While in the region, Secretary Rice will
discuss the next steps in achieving a two-state solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as other regional issues of mutual
interest.
The need to move urgently and boldly to normalise relations with the
Palestinian Unity Government and to lift sanctions is highlighted by three
recent reports:
1. Briefing by Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs to Security
Council B Lynn Pascoe
"Despite continuing tensions, violence and mistrust, a majority of Israelis
and Palestinians still embrace a common dream of two States, Israel and
Palestine, living side by side in peace and security," B. Lynn Pascoe,
Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, told the Security Council.
In his first briefing on the issue, he said that, often and tragically, the
hopes for peace in the Middle East had been frustrated. There was no choice,
however, but to keep working towards that end; to overcome the setbacks that
would inevitably occur and to build, wherever possible, on steps in the right
direction. There had been several positive developments during the past month
-- among them the agreement reached in Mecca on a Palestinian national unity
Government and the renewal of the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue.
He said that the ceasefire agreed in Mecca had already calmed the internal
Palestinian front, although isolated clashes underscored the fragility of the
situation. Palestinian Prime Minister designate Ismail Haniyeh had consulted
all factions on forming a new Government and remained in close and frequent
contact with President Mahmoud Abbas. Under the basic law, the new Government
must be finalised by 21 March, and there were signs that it might be presented
imminently to the Palestinian Legislative Council. "We must hope that the new
Government will take positions and actions that demonstrate, as was agreed in
Mecca, respect for the signed agreements of the PLO, which renounce terrorism,
recognise Israel's right to exist in peace and security, and impose crucial
obligations on the Palestinian Authority."
On 21 February in Berlin, Germany, the Quartet had affirmed it would take a
"wait and see" approach, he continued. In the meantime, preliminary discussions
were under way on new ideas proposed by the European Commission for
facilitating aid, financing and co-ordination to support Palestinian social and
economic development and to strengthen public institutions and governance.
President Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert had met on two occasions, one on
19 February with United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and again
last Sunday in a bilateral meeting, he said. There were also welcome signs of
increased engagement by Arab countries, centring around efforts to breathe new
life into the Arab Peace Initiative. There were no further moves, however,
towards dialogue between Israel and Syria.
During the past month, the lives of 23 Palestinians -- 8 at the hands of the
Israel Defence Forces -- and 1 Israeli had been taken by violence, he said.
Noting that Palestinian militants had fired at least 55 rockets into Israel
from Gaza, he commended Israel's continued restraint in the face of those
unjustified provocations in breach of the agreed ceasefire. Israeli security
forces in Tel Aviv had arrested a man who allegedly had been preparing a
suicide bombing. Those incidents underscored the importance for a new
Palestinian Government to ensure that its security forces worked in harmony to
prevent the smuggling of weapons, to impose internal law and order, and to act
firmly against those who perpetrated attacks against Israel.
In late February, the Israel Defence Forces had launched a large military
operation in Nablus, during which sites used for preparing explosives had been
uncovered and a number of suspects arrested, he said. However, thousands of
Palestinians had been put under curfew for several days. Other Israel Defence
Forces' actions included the firing on fishermen in the coastal waters of the
Gaza Strip.
Turning to the situation in the Old City of Jerusalem and Israeli excavation
and construction activity near the Al-Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, he said a
delegation of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) had recently visited that World Heritage-listed site and
reported on the situation to the Secretary-General yesterday. The report
recommended that the Government of Israel be asked to comply with its
obligations regarding heritage conservation in World Heritage Sites, and to
stop immediately the archaeological excavation, even though the works did not
threaten the stability of the Western Wall or Al-Aqsa Mosque. Other
recommendations included a call on the Israeli Government to clearly define the
final design of the access structure to the Mughrabi Gate and to have the
process supervised by an international team of experts co-ordinated by
UNESCO.
Mr Pascoe also expressed concern at the continued creation of facts on the
ground. The construction of the barrier was now complete along more than half
of its route and continuing, contrary to the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice. Settlement activity also continued and the
Israeli Government had yet to begin to dismantle the more than 100 settlement
outposts in the West Bank, despite its clear obligations to do so under the
Road Map.
The Agreement on Movement and Access was still not being fully implemented
and, while there had been some progress at Karni, where truck crossings had
increased by 15 percent during the past month - doubling since November -
further efforts were needed to meet the targets of the Agreement. There had
been little or no progress on other fronts, he added. Rafah had been open for
only 16 percent of the scheduled hours and the crossing had become increasingly
volatile and insecure. As the European Union Border Assistance Mission had
warned repeatedly, limited and unscheduled openings at Rafah made it extremely
difficult to control the crossing.
When some 5 000 Palestinians had tried to exit Gaza through Rafah during an
unscheduled opening on 8 March, the human crush had left one person dead and
seven injured. "The unsatisfactory situation at Rafah raises the risks of
violence, creates greater incentives for smuggling through illegal entry points
and causes disillusionment among Gaza residents," he said. Despite the
commitments made this past December between Prime Minister Olmert and President
Abbas, there had been no meaningful reduction in the number of obstacles to
movement in the West Bank, which currently stood at 529. The lack of action to
improve movement and access in accordance with existing commitments undermined
efforts to revive the Palestinian economy.
He said that United Nations workers were also facing increased restrictions
on their movement, thus jeopardising humanitarian operations in Gaza, even as
needs on the ground continued to grow. That situation had recently drawn the
attention of senior Israeli officials, and he hoped that would lead to the
lifting of the restrictions.
Lebanon
On Lebanon, he said that there had been several important developments since
the Council had last been briefed. Opposition demonstrations that had begun in
Beirut in December had continued to occur in a calm and orderly manner and
without major incidents.
Regional efforts to broker a solution to the political impasse were becoming
more intense in the lead up to the Arab League Summit on 28 March, resulting in
a general atmosphere of cautious optimism. He said that the Speaker of
Parliament, Nabih Berri, and the leader of the Future Movement, Saad Hariri,
had met three times in recent days to bridge the gap between the Government and
the opposition.
In contrast, there had been a "worrying increase" in the number of security
threats and bomb scares reported in Lebanon over the past four weeks, he said,
adding that Lebanese security forces had discovered several explosive devices
in Beirut, in populated areas outside the capital and throughout the country.
While a number of those explosives were not primed to detonate; on one
occasion, detonators linked to chemical substances had been discovered.
Turning to the situation in southern Lebanon, he said that the past month
had been relatively calm along the 'Blue Line,' although, regrettably, Israeli
violations of that border continued. For instance, Israeli planes had violated
Lebanese airspace on 21 February, drawing anti-aircraft fire from the Lebanese
army in response. In addition, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon
(UNIFIL) was conducting an investigation into a Blue Line violation that had
taken place earlier this month when a Lebanese youth was forced by Israeli
soldiers to cross the Blue Line and the technical fence into the Israeli side.
The findings of that investigation would be communicated to both sides.
Another important development was the meeting of nearly 100 delegations from
Member States, humanitarian agencies and regional organisations gathered at
United Nations Headquarters in New York on Friday, 16 March 2007 for a
long-term initiative for Iraq that aims to consolidate peace and pursue
political, economic and social development over the next five years in the
violence-torn country.
It was the first time that the International Compact with Iraq (ICI), a
joint UN-Iraqi Government plan, has met in New York since it was initiated last
July, and Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon today called it "a tool for unlocking
Iraq's own potential" in public sector resource management, institution
building and human development, and in achieving a more holistic approach to
energy management.
Comments by Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon
I thank you all for attending this meeting and for your commitment to the
International Compact with Iraq.
The preparatory process for the Compact has been under way in Baghdad since
July 2006. This process, which included two high-level meetings in Kuwait and
Abu Dhabi, has brought together the Government of Iraq and the international
community in an effort to develop a mechanism that would help Iraq to realise
its national vision.
As you know, a small support group was established to support the
preparatory process. But it has always been our intention - and that of the
Government of Iraq - to expand the group in due course. Today's meeting offers
an opportunity to bring the larger international community together to consider
how best to support the people of Iraq under the Compact.
I am pleased that His Excellency, Mr Adel Abdul Mahdi, Vice-President of
Iraq, is here today to inform us about the latest developments in Iraq and, in
particular, about the progress that has been made in the preparatory process
for the Compact.
We are all aware of the difficult situation in Iraq. It is heart-wrenching
to see almost daily attacks on innocent civilians, which have left immense
suffering and pain in their wake. Beyond the political violence and sectarian
strife, a humanitarian crisis is stretching the patience and ability of
ordinary people to cope with everyday life. The United Nations is now
strengthening its humanitarian efforts, and working with Iraq's neighbours and
other countries in the region, to address the increasing needs of those who
have left Iraq temporarily, those displaced inside the country and those
suffering from diminishing access to basic public services.
Given these circumstances, some may question why a Compact would be
necessary or appropriate. I understand these concerns. However, a framework for
normalisation is required now more than ever.
I am also aware of the view that there is a multitude of initiatives on
Iraq, which have yet to yield tangible results. Certainly, there is a need to
streamline and consolidate these initiatives, and to concentrate on achievable
goals. But, unlike the other initiatives, the Compact focuses on Iraq's
long-term economic development, while also stressing progress in the political
and security fields, through a mutually reinforcing relationship.
The Compact aims to achieve its objectives in two ways:
* First, a 'national compact' among Iraqis on the necessary security and
political steps would be agreed upon. These steps are prerequisites for the
normalisation of the situation in Iraq and for the revitalisation of the
economy.
* Second, an 'international compact' between Iraq and its partners would set
out the Government of Iraq's agenda for the next five years with regard to
economic and social reform. This shared vision and mutual commitment would
allow the international community to channel support in accordance with the
priorities decided upon by Iraqis themselves.
The Compact should be seen as a tool for unlocking Iraq's own potential. It
seeks to achieve concrete results in the areas of public sector resource
management, institution-building and human development, in line with the United
Nations Millennium Development Goals. It also emphasises a more holistic
approach to energy management. Towards that end, the Government's recent
efforts to adopt new oil and gas legislation are encouraging. Indeed, a viable
arrangement to share the nation's oil wealth and natural resources can also
help build much-needed trust and confidence among Iraqi communities.
There has also been welcome progress in adopting other key legislative acts.
But these may not achieve their full and positive impact, unless the same
consensus is also expressed in the Iraqi Constitution. This makes a genuine and
meaningful constitutional review process all the more important.
Above all, it is essential that all Iraqi communities come together in a
spirit of dialogue to find lasting solutions. As they do so, they should be
able to count on the active support of Iraq's neighbours and the international
community. The Compact is an important framework for fulfilling precisely those
shared responsibilities towards Iraq and its people.
The United Nations is committed to supporting the implementation of the
Compact. Through my good offices, and those of my Special Representative in
Iraq, Mr Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, the United Nations will make every effort to
ensure that the international community remains engaged in this process.
I have appointed Mr Ibrahim Gambari, who is well known to you all, as my
Special Advisor on the International Compact with Iraq and Other Political
Issues, to succeed Mr Mark Malloch Brown as co-Chair of the Compact. He will be
in active contact with all concerned to move this process forward and to ensure
its success.
The challenges ahead are immense. I am sure you will all agree that we
cannot leave Iraq on its own to cope with them. The International Compact is
intended to help the Government to build a secure, unified, federal and
democratic nation, founded on the principles of freedom and equality, capable
of providing peace and prosperity for all its people.
A positive political progress and a reduction of violence are essential
preconditions for the success of this initiative. I call on the parties to work
towards this goal. And, to maintain the momentum generated by this meeting
itself, I encourage the Government of Iraq to agree on the date and venue for
the launch of the International Compact.
Thank you again for attending this meeting. I am hopeful that, through our
concerted efforts, we can help to build a country at peace with itself, with
its neighbours, and with the wider international community.
United Nations Security Council
The way the media has handled our approach to the United Nations Security
Council's position on Zimbabwe is far from the reality that is on the
ground.
Similarly, the way in which our approach on the resolution on Iran has been
handled by the South African media is again not reflective of the reality on
the ground.
I find it a bit strange that when a group of countries, as is experienced in
the Security Council with the P5 and in the case of Iran, the P5+ Germany,
submit after very secret consultations a draft resolution, why any country's
attempt, including that of South Africa, to contribute to that resolution is
seen to be an attempt to "scupper" what has been achieved, and other such
descriptions.
Surely you mush accept that it is incumbent upon South Africa and other
non-permanent members of the Security Council, who for the first time are
seeing such a resolution, to make inputs where necessary? Why else would we be
members of the Security Council?
It doesn't mean that by proposing amendments we are opposing certain
countries? We have positions. What is wrong with putting forward our positions
for purposes of debate and negotiation? We will vote, as will have to do on
Saturday, based on negotiations that we have for the first time had with the
P5+Germany on the draft resolution. You must understand that the negotiations
that led to the draft resolution were conducted completely secretly. We are
only privy to the document when it is put forward as a draft resolution.
I think it is incumbent upon any country worth its salt or with any
independent foreign policy perspectives to be able to interact with the
P5+Germany, not to be intransigent, but to find common ground. It is not a
matter that we are being spiteful or malicious. It is the logic of the Security
Council mechanism to act in such a way.
At the appropriate time we make a critical analysis on how the South African
media has covered matters that are critical to international peace and
security.
We have also, on many of these issues said to the opposition parties in
parliament, that it is a practice of international relations to not have
differing positions without understanding the issues. We are therefore willing,
as Foreign Affairs, to meet with them to explain our positions so that an
understanding can be facilitated.
It is not helpful to us to have vibrant and militant statements emerging
without a clear understanding of the issues confronting the government and
region.
Nuclear non-proliferation
Iran
The United Nations Security Council is expected to, on Saturday, 24 March
2007, vote on a new resolution against Iran.
Iran's Position
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad:
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said on Thursday, 15 March 2007 that Iran would not
shelve its nuclear programmes and that a Security Council resolution could not
stop Iran from obtaining nuclear technology.
"Today the enemies of the Iranian people are seeking to use the Security
Council to prevent the progress and development of Iran," said President
Ahmadinejad.
"But the Security Council has no legitimacy among the peoples of the
world."
"What is the aim of issuing such resolutions? Today we are mastering the
nuclear fuel cycle completely."
"If all of you (Westerners) get together and call your ancestors from hell
as well, you will not be able to stop the Iranian nation."
Western nations suspect Iran's nuclear programme is a cover for efforts to
make atomic weapons, a charge Tehran denies.
Washington says it wants a diplomatic solution, but has not ruled out
military action.
In a meeting with Iranian Ambassadors to Western European states in Tehran
on Monday, 12 March 2007 said that Iran is prepared to co-operate with Europe
towards promotion of peace, justice and humanitarian goals.
The chief executive underlined that expansion of friendly ties with all
countries and nations within the framework of the country's beliefs and ideals
is one of the major principles of Iran's policy.
Government spokesman Gholam-Hossein Elham:
Said in Iran on Tuesday, 13 March 2007 that suspension of enrichment was no
longer an issue: "The opposite side has killed the issue. Hence, the rights and
assertions of the Islamic Republic of Iran are now stabilised."
At his weekly press conference, Elham made it clear that while Iran would
not welcome a new sanctions resolution (by the UN Security Council), it would
not be concerned about one and urged the council to move reasonably on Iran's
nuclear case because other options, sanctions in particular, would only
complicate the current situation. He said "sanctions will have no impact on the
progress of the Iranian nation. To us, sanctions are not new literature because
they had been imposed on Iran way back since the victory of the Islamic
Revolution (in 1979).
"The Islamic Republic of Iran is not concerned about possible
sanctions."
The spokesman added that in international arrangements, sanctions affect
both sides.
Expediency Council Chairman Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani:
On Tuesday, 13 March 2007 called on the global community to deal with Iran's
nuclear case wisely.
"The Islamic Republic of Iran has taken necessary measures to build up
international confidence in its peaceful nuclear programme, hoping that the
concerned parties would take effective steps to settle the problem by focusing
on winning the other party's confidence," said Rafsanjani in a meeting with
Singaporean senior minister Goh Chok Tong.
Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki
Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki said on Wednesday, 14 March 2007
that he still hoped a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear programme issue
could be achieved in spite of efforts by the West to pass a new UN Security
Council resolution stepping up sanctions.
Minister Mottaki reiterated Iran's insistence that its nuclear programme was
"peaceful" and that a compromise was essential to kick-starting talks that
could lead to a "comprehensive solution."
If Iran and the West agreed on concessions resulting in a suspension in the
West's push against Iran in the UN Security Council and Iran's honouring of the
Additional Protocols to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, a diplomatic
solution could be achieved "within three to four weeks," said Minister
Mottaki.
He said that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has confirmed
that Iran's current activities were "safe," adding that Iran could provide
sufficient assurances that its nuclear programme would not diverge from
peaceful purposes in the future.
Foreign Minister Mottaki held discussions with President Mbeki in Cape Town
on Tuesday, 20 March 2007.
North Korea
Director-General Mohamed ElBaradei visited Pyongyang, the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) capital, Wednesday and Thursday last week at
the invitation from the DPRK after it committed in Six-Party talks in Beijing
last month to eventually dismantle all nuclear weapon facilities and materials
in return for energy and other aid.
Dr Mohamed ElBaradei said, following his talks in North Korea that it is
committed to a disarmament agreement reached in February but wants sanctions
against it lifted first.
Mr ElBaradei said the visit had been "quite useful" and had opened the way
to a normal relationship.
"I think they were very clear that they are willing to implement the 13
February agreement once the other parties implement their part," he said,
referring to an agreement reached at six-party talks grouping the two Koreas,
Russia, Japan, the United States and host China.
"The DPRK (North Korea) mentioned that they are waiting for the lifting of
sanctions with regard to the Macau bank."
Of closing the Yongbyon nuclear plant he said: "They said they are ready,
willing and capable of doing that as soon as the financial sanctions are
lifted".
He added that the DPRK was "positive about returning to IAEA
membership."
The successful negotiations with the DPRK indicates that if negotiations are
undertaken on the basis of equality, sovereignty, respect for the common
concerns and positions of al involved, a constructive approach to solve the
matter through negotiations and a 'win-win' approach that any problem can be
solved.
Latest developments in 6 Party Talks
The North Korean delegation had refused to continue with negotiations until
it is able to access $25 million in funds that had been frozen in a Macau bank
and Chief Negotiator Kim Kye-gwan was reported to have left Beijing.
The US Chief Envoy to the talks Christopher Hill said on Monday that
approval had been given for the funds to be released, raising hopes that a
major sticking point had been removed.
But the North Koreans said no talks would be held until the funds appeared
in a Bank of China account held in Beijing.
It is not clear what has caused the delay in transferring the funds.
Questions and answers
Question: Deputy Minister, regarding SADC and Zimbabwe � we had originally
heard that the SADC meeting of the Organ Troika was scheduled for Dar-es-Salaam
on Monday and Tuesday next week. We have heard this has now been postponed. Do
you know why? What level of representation are you expecting at the meeting?
You also mentioned that some countries outside Africa had some responsibility
in the situation in Zimbabwe � which countries were you referring to and how
could they have assisted?
Answer: As we have indicated, President Kikwete as the Chair of the SADC
Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation, which is the right organ
to deal with the matter of conflicts and tensions, had gone to Zimbabwe to
discuss his visit to Europe and the preparations of the Africa�European Summit
and in the context of this, obviously, discussed the present situation in
Zimbabwe.
It then emerged that the Tanzanians were consulting with all members of the
Organ to see whether a Summit could be convened as soon as possible. I was not
aware that they had already decided on the date.
The Tanzanian government was still consulting on the dates. As you know,
when a Summit is called, you have to have Heads of State present. For this to
happen on short notice you have to ascertain whether their programmes can be
changed on short notice.
It is clear that President Kikwete, as Chair of the Organ, believes that
there must be discussion at the highest levels to ascertain the way
forward.
If this meeting is at Summit level it will be attended by Heads of State, if
it is at Ministerial level, it will be attended by Foreign Ministers. Of
course, these meetings are preceded by meetings of senior officials.
Regarding my comments on the lack of action from outside governments, what I
had said was that, what is consistently challenged is 'quiet diplomacy' which
we call constructive diplomacy against a tougher diplomacy which we call
'megaphone diplomacy.'
It is my view, not necessarily that of my government, that if we had a
common view with specifically the European Union and the United States on how
to deal with what could be foreseen as an impending economic crisis which
exacerbates the political crisis, if Africa had been able to work together with
the US and the EU to get a more creative approach for all Zimbabweans to do
what the Reserve Bank Governor and churches are now calling for, reconciliation
and national dialogue, then what would have happened is that the doors would
not have been closed between the EU and US and government forces in Zimbabwe.
There would have been an opportunity for discussion, even if quite critically,
to find and implement a solution.
Until two weeks ago many forces were calling for this dialogue to begin, to
find a common approach to deal with the country's challenges.
We still believe that Africa, Europe and the US must work together to find a
constructive solution.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, earlier today the Australian Foreign
Minister called on South Africa to assist with the removal of President Robert
Mugabe. What are your comments on this?
Answer: It is useless for the Australian Foreign Minister to call on us to
do more without suggesting exactly what more can be done.
There are many calls for South Africa to do more. What more can South Africa
do that it has not done in terms of contributing to finding a solution?
I was happy when the Chairman of the African Union said that Africa is not
going to lead an expeditionary force to Zimbabwe and that this must be
rethought.
It is now a question of how we deal with particular issues in a more
constructive and creative way.
I do believe we could have done more to avoid the situation in which we find
ourselves today, if we worked together. If we had used the same song sheet and
sang in the same band, we could have helped the Zimbabweans work together to
find a solution and not allow the socio-economic and political situation to
have deteriorated to this point.
If we had worked together constructively we would not find ourselves in this
quagmire now.
I will wait for the Australians and others, who are sitting very far away,
advising us on our foreign policy, to tell us what exactly we can do.
The Australian government took a very strong stand in the Commonwealth
Summit in Nigeria which closed doors and created a climate of no-forward
movement. Today, the situation is worse than when the Commonwealth met in
Nigeria. This is part of what I said earlier that a different approach to
finding a solution is in the interests of Zimbabwe, SADC and Africa.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, do you think that South Africa's
ideological positions at the United Nations Security Council are compromising
values it has striven to uphold like the respect for human rights e.g. South
Africa's view of the Myanmar vote? On Zimbabwe, you called on all parties in
Zimbabwe to respect the rule of law. Were you indicating that some of the
opposition party members bore some responsibility for the beatings that have
been inflicted upon them?
Answer: I don't think our positions on the Security Council are based on
ideology that impacts on our long held traditions of the defence of human
rights, etc. It is not also a support for dictators.
We have explained quite consistently why we voted the way in which we did on
Myanmar. We categorically stated our concerns on the situation in Myanmar and
committed ourselves to doing all that is possible to restore democracy,
normalise the situation, have political prisoners released. This is not
debatable.
Our challenge was: if we are strong advocates of multilateralism, which we
are, then we should not weaken multilateralism by taking issues out of the
forum in which they are best dealt with to the Security Council. This is a
tendency that has emerged and increased in the last few years.
For no reason, without explanation, out of the blue, came the issue of
Myanmar on the agenda of the Security Council. We will continue to insist that
the Security Council has a mandate to deal with threats regional and
international peace and security.
If this is the principled position that drives us, then we cannot vacillate
each time attempts are made to take the issue from where it should be discussed
and smuggle it into the Security Council.
I did say, when I briefed you after our vote, that I could predict that
after a lot of noise on the matter, based on our vote that was not properly
understood, this issue would disappear from the radar of the civil society and
media. For us who have to work daily on international relations, we cannot
respond to what I call 'hot issues' as a short-term event.
What has happened since our vote on Myanmar? Can anyone tell me what serious
initiatives have been put on the table in the relevant institutions? Has there
been discussion with the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) on how
to proceed?
South Africa voted on principle.
With regard to Iran, I explained that it was already decided, against our
view, that this is a Security Council matter. But why would South Africa, as a
member of the Security Council, having been given a document that we had
previously not seen, not have the right to make our views known?
I said in the briefing, that if this is how international relations is going
to be conducted, then there is no need for dialogue or to take into account the
views of other countries.
It is not because we do not accept elements of the resolution but because we
had not previously seen it. We must make our views known through negotiations.
Nobody goes to negotiations with a bottom line that is cast in stone. But we
must discuss and negotiate and based on this we will vote on Saturday as it is
now seems the day on which the voting will take place. We will consult with the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and other non-permanent members of the Security
Council and we will vote in the best interests of finding a solution and not
further escalating a very dangerous situation. The threat of another arena of
conflict is becoming a very real possibility.
We will not oppose matters just for opposition sake. We want to ensure that
decisions taken in the Security Council will prevent further outbreaks of
conflict in the region.
We have consistently said, as part of the NAM Troika, to the Iranian
government that Iran's right, like South Africa's, to use nuclear energy for
peaceful purposes cannot be challenged, but because of the past experiences,
there is an area of distrust so there are two fundamental issues that must be
tackled:
1. Iran's right to have nuclear energy for peaceful purposes
2. the international community's concern that international safeguards must be
put in place before they can be convinced that there is no intention, despite
what is being said by the Iranians, to diversify its programme.
It is in this context that we have called on the Iranians, within the IAEA,
the Security Council and bilaterally to conclude their negotiations with the
IAEA so that the IAEA can produce an honest and scientific assessment that Iran
has no intentions of diversifying its programme.
This will remain our position. We will continue to argue for Iran to
conclude discussions with the IAEA. This is the crux of the matter.
Regarding Zimbabwe � when we call on all Zimbabweans to respect the rule of
law it is so that all Zimbabweans can be helped and that there can be an
atmosphere of reconciliation and national dialogue to take place. It doesn't
mean we condone the actions against the demonstrators but we do say, and this
is my problem, in briefings given to all diplomats in Zimbabwe, lists are given
of actions being perpetrated by demonstrators, inter alia � petrol bombings of
police stations, looting of shops, hijacking of vehicles � I am not saying
these acts are being committed by the opposition party but could be perpetrated
by some elements. We have this in South Africa too.
We are calling on all Zimbabweans to respect the law. You may not like the
law but the essence of democracy is that the law must be respected.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, was Zimbabwe discussed at the yesterday's
SADC Ministerial meeting? On Iran, if South Africa's amendments to the
resolution are rejected, will South Africa support the original draft?
Answer: SADC Ministerial meetings in February and March are by their nature,
very technical. SADC meets are different levels and not many foreign ministers
attend these meetings. The meeting was attended by mainly trade and finance
ministers because it dealt with integration, economic issues and other such
matters.
However, because we were there at this critical time, we were briefed of
President Kikwete's initiatives; the Zimbabweans gave us their views and indeed
there is a statement that was issued by the Double Troika.
Regarding how we will vote on Saturday � this is a matter that we are
constantly discussing with other members of the P5 and other non-permanent
members of the Security Council. In the end, our vote will be influenced by our
view of a genuine attempt to find a meeting of minds on the way forward.
South Africa is not the only country which suggested amendments to the
resolution. There are other countries who have also suggested amendments. I
cannot but overstretch this point, if we are not able to put forward our views
on a document that we have not seen and to which we have received no
explanations, why would we accept such a document without discussions and
explanations.
We would not be part of any multilateral grouping if it has to be that we
must simply accept any document that is put before us. There must at least be
some explanation to some of our concerns by those proposing the draft text.
The Russian Prime Minister and my Russian counterpart were in South Africa a
few days ago. This was followed by the visit of the Iranian Foreign Minister.
We are also in touch with the Chinese. We are in constant touch with the
Director-General of the IAEA. Our envoy in New York is in touch with the
P5+Germany. However, despite these discussions, we had not seen the draft
resolution until it was presented to the Security Council. It is therefore not
incorrect to voice our views where necessary and look for clarification and
explanations.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, you criticised the opposition of
governments outside of Africa towards Zimbabwe without indicating what Africa
is doing. Could you please contextualise this? On the DRC, is Mr Bemba still at
the South African Embassy? Has he asked for any assistance?
Answer: Mr Bemba is still in the South African compound.
I have dealt with the first question.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, has the South African Ambassador to
Zimbabwe met with the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai? What is South
Africa's position on the Zimbabwean Foreign Minister saying that foreign
diplomats should not have any contact with members of the opposition?
Answer: The South African High Commission has met, as is consistent with our
policy, with Mr Tsvangirai. As I have indicated, we have consistently met with
all sectors of Zimbabwean society, sometimes even more than with the government
of Zimbabwe.
Our High Commissioner is in touch with civil society, with religious leaders
and their initiative of the 'Zimbabwe we Want.' the 'Free Zimbabwe grouping,'
academics and other sections of the Zimbabwe political and business community.
So he has met Mr Tsvangirai. We are awaiting his report whereupon we will
decide on how to proceed.
I must say that in South Africa Ambassadors are allowed and encouraged to
meet with all sectors of South African society. Our democracy encourages such
interaction. South Africa has the biggest diplomatic representation in the
world outside of the US and some European countries.
I am not sure if under the Geneva Convention you are able to disallow
diplomats from meeting others in the country unless it can be shown that such a
diplomat is a threat to the stability of the country and is interfering in the
internal affairs of that country.
We have made a statement on the violence that has occurred in Zimbabwe. The
ANC has made its own statement. We have expressed our concern and asked for
international law to be respected and for the conditions for reconciliation and
dialogue to be created.
When we say the conditions must be created for the Zimbabweans to find a
solution, it does not mean that we sit back and watch. It means we encourage
them as Zimbabweans to formulate a roadmap that the international community
generally, SADC and the AU in particular, can assist the Zimbabweans to
implement. Clearly dialogue is absolutely necessary in Zimbabwe and has been
necessary for some time now.
The economic situation is very dire with unprecedented high levels of
inflation and not sufficient foreign direct investment into Zimbabwe. The
Reserve Bank governor two months ago indicated the seriousness of the situation
based on various factors, including policies that were implemented incorrectly
in Zimbabwe. It is all on the table. It would sometimes be good to follow these
developments to see how we can assist. We will be seized with how we can assist
the people of Zimbabwe and convince the international community on how we can
change track on how to deal with situations of crisis and conflict in Zimbabwe
and other countries in Africa.
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, can you tell us if South Africa will take
any extra steps regarding Iran?
Answer: South Africa does not have any illusions that it can do anything
more than what is being done by the P5+Germany, the UN Security Council and the
IAEA. As members of the IAEA we have always insisted that the IAEA, with the
correct scientific expertise, is the body best placed to deal with the matter.
The IAEA remains seized with the matter.
The Iranians have been quite strident in their views on the UN Security
Council resolution. They are threatening retaliation and while they have not
said what they will do, it is easy to predict. They may walk out of the IAEA
and/or prevent IAEA observers from being in Iran. The tensions in the region
are escalating at every moment.
Our intention, as should be that of the P5+Germany, is to find a solution
that will not further exacerbate the tensions.
Announcement of newly appointed South African Heads of Mission
(Director-General Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba)
Country: Republic of Namibia
Nominee: Ambassador Eunice Valerie Komane
Ambassador Komane was born on 9 June 1941 in Kroonstad, Free State. After
completing her High School studies, she pursued a nursing career and obtained
General Nursing and Midwifery courses; as well as a degree in Nursing from the
University of South Africa.
Ambassador Komane worked as a General Nurse and later a Nursing Sister from
1972-1990 in Kimberly and Bethlehem respectively. She was later appointed as a
Nursing Tutor also in Kimberly where she served from 1991-1994. She was
appointed MEC for Safety and Security, Public Works and Gender Issues in the
Northern Cape Provincial Government from 1994�1999. She represented the
Northern Cape in the South African delegation to the 4th UN World Conference on
Women in Beijing.
Ambassador Komane has been an active member of the ANC Women's League and
has served as Chairperson of the ANCWL Northern Cape region in 1992, 1993, and
1995. She was appointed South African High Commissioner to Botswana in 2002,
where she is currently serving.
Country: Democratic Republic of Congo
Nominee: Reverend (Dr) Molefe Samuel Tsele
Reverend Tsele was born on 7 December 1956 and is married with three
children. He matriculated at Mabuya High School in Daveyton in 1976. He
obtained a Bachelor of Theology (1980) and Honours (1989) from the University
of South Africa. He later obtained a Master of Theology in Political Ethics
(1991) as well as a PhD (1995) from the Lutheran School of Theology in Chicago,
USA.
Rev Tsele served as a Parishioner of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in
Soweto from 1981 to 1989 until he was placed under a banning order under the
State of Emergency Regulations of 1986. He later went to pursue his Theology
studies abroad. On his return, he briefly worked as a Lecturer at the Lutheran
Theological Seminary in Maphumulo (July 1995�March 1996). He was later
appointed as Executive Director of the Ecumenical Service for Social Economic
Transformation (ESSET) from April 1996 to December 1999.
He joined the Office of the Premier of the Northwest Government in January
2001 where he served as Special Advisor to Premier Popo Molefe until April
2001. Rev Tsele was appointed as General Secretary of the South African Council
of Churches where he served from May 2001�March 2006. He is currently the
Political Advisor to the Premier of North West, Ms Edna Molewa.
Rev Tsele's involvement in community work has afforded him opportunities to
take part in several SA Observer Missions, including inter alia, as member of
the SA Observer Mission to Zimbabwean Presidential Elections; Head of SA
Observer Mission to the Palestinian Parliamentary Elections; and recently
member of SA Observer Mission to the elections in the Democratic Republic of
Congo.
Country: Republic of Botswana
Nominee: Ambassador Dikgang Moopeloa
Ambassador Moopeloa was born in Bloemfontein, Free State. After completing
his High School studies, he enrolled at Wits Technikon where he obtained an
Advanced Certificate in Personnel Management. During his time in exile, he
served as Administrator and Commander at the Botswana Transit Camp. On his
return from exile, he served as Political Education Officer and Trainer for the
ANC PWV Region.
He joined the South African Police Services (SAPS) in 1994 and served in
many capacities focussing on Policy Formulation and Administration; as well as
Operational Planning and Technical Support. After leaving the SAPS, he joined
Zonkizizwe Group as Group General Manager. He was appointed South African
Ambassador to United Arab Emirates in 2002, a position he currently holds.
Country: Republic of Mexico
Nominee: Mr Mohakama Nyangweni Mbete
Mr Mphakama Mbete matriculated at St Francis College in Marianhill in Natal.
He enrolled for a BSc degree at the University of Fort Hare in 1971 and was a
very active member of the South African Student's Organisation. Due to his
involvement in political activities, he could not complete his degree and later
went into exile. Whilst in exile he completed a Diploma in Political Science at
the Academy of Social Sciences in Bulgaria (1984) and an Advanced Diploma in
Institutional Development in London (1994).
Mr Mbete has served the ANC in many capacities including as Project Officer
at the ANC Office in Swaziland (1976 -1977); Information Officer / Journalist
at the ANC Office in Tanzania (1977); Senior Member of the Department of
Intelligence in Maputo and Zambia respectively (1980 -1985); Administrator of
the ANC Office in Harare (1989 -1991). On his return from exile, Mr Mbete
worked as regional Co-ordinator for the South African Committee for Higher
Education (SACHED). He later moved to the National Intelligence Agency and
served as Manager for domestic intelligence. In 2001, he was tasked to
spearhead the establishment of the South African National Academy for
Intelligence, an institution he is now heading.
Issued by: Department of Foreign Affairs
24 March 2007
Source: SAPA
