A Pahad: International Relations, Peace and Security Cluster Programme
of Action Briefing November 2007

14 November 2007

Consolidation of the African Agenda

Strengthening the African Union (AU)

We have been working consistently to strengthen the African Union.

Following the decision of the July AU Summit to conduct an institutional
audit of the AU Commission, a high-level Panel was constituted to conduct the
audit. The 13-member panel includes Frene Ginwala, former Speaker of the South
African National Assembly. The panel held its first meeting from 10 to 15
September 2007 in Addis Ababa and discussed the broad scope of the audit. The
panel is expected to complete its work within four months and to submit its
report and recommendations to the January 2008 Summit.

This audit is important because it will review the institutions of the
African Union and make the necessary assessment on whether any changes need to
be made. South Africa will be deeply involved in this process.

The nomination process for Commissioners of the African Union is still
continuing and the South African Development Community (SADC) region will
finalise its proposed candidates in due course.

On the whole, matters relating to the consolidation of the African agenda
are progressing smoothly.

Progress with respect to the SADC Regional Economic Agenda

The SADC Summit, which was held from 16 to 17 August 2007 in Lusaka, amongst
others considered the Report of the Ministerial Task Force on Regional
Integration on the review of the implementation of the SADC Free Trade Area
(FTA). It was noted that there is considerable basis for declaring the SADC FTA
by the time of the 2008 SADC Summit, which will be hosted by South Africa.

This does create a sense of urgency with regard to government, the private
sector, trade unions, and others to put forward their views.

Engagement with the African Diaspora

You are aware that the African Union had declared the African Diaspora the
6th region of the African Union. South Africa, with the AU, has played a
leading role in organising Regional Consultative Conferences (RCCs).

Since the last Reporting Cycle Regional Consultative Conferences (RCC) were
held in Barbados (27 to 28 August 2007) Paris (11 to 12 September 2007) and
Ethiopia (15 to 16 October 2007). Many of the RCCs held thus far have
highlighted the issue of reparations for slavery and the transatlantic trade.
The overall view expressed was that the AU and Caricom governments need to
develop mechanisms to ensure that primarily Europe, Canada and the United
States (US) address the issue of reparations appropriately. It was also
recommended that an AU-Caricom International Reparation Commission comprising
both government and civil society representatives be established in order to
produce scientifically researched and credible options for reparations.

South Africa will host a Ministerial African Diaspora Conference in Midrand
from 16 to 18 November 2007. The Ministerial meeting will review
recommendations from the RCCs and prepare for the African Diaspora Summit to be
hosted by South Africa in 2008.

This is therefore a very important process that will culminate in a very
important meeting.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) Project Conference

The Department of Trade and Industry, Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA)
and the Nepad Business Forum hosted the Nepad Projects Conference at the
Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg, from 8 to 9 October 2007. The
conference's objective was to strengthen the partnership between business,
government and civil society in the implementation of Nepad projects. The
conference made significant progress in addressing a number of Nepad priority
areas, in particular governance, socio-economic development and trade and
economic growth. Specific attention was paid to resolving critical concerns
around energy, capacity building and infrastructure development on the
continent and in aligning South African development strategies to those of the
region.

African Peer Review Mechanism

South Africa has been peer reviewed.

Following the endorsement of the South African Programme of Action (POA) at
the AU Heads of State in July 2007, a national workshop was convened in
Pretoria on 10 September 2007, which involved South African Government
Departments, Civil Society and the business community. The workshop sought to
map out ways to implement the Programme of Action and to identify the key stake
holders in each of the implementation phases. In order to strengthen the strong
partnership character of the POA, four working groups consisting of government,
civil society, business and Chapter 9 and 10 institutions were established in
order to take the work forward.

The Department of Public Service and Administration (DPSA) is the line
function department is responsible for this matter. The Minister has just been
in Algeria where a review on the 5 countries who have thus far been reviewed
was conducted.

9th African Partnership Forum

The 9th African Partnership Forum (APF) took place in Algiers, Algeria from
12 to 13 November 2007 under the theme 'Governance and Development.' The 31st
Nepad Steering Committee meeting emphasised the need to utilise the APF Forum
to push developed partners to undertake a comprehensive review of the
fulfilment of the commitments and pledges made to Africa under the auspices of
the Gleneagles and Kananaskis Summits.

Africa-EU relations

The 9th Africa-Europe Ministerial Troika Meeting was held in Accra, Ghana on
31 October 2007. The draft Joint Africa-Europe Strategy was considered at this
meeting with the aim of having the strategy adopted at the 2nd Africa-Europe
Summit to be held in Lisbon during December 2007.

This will be preceded by a Ministerial meeting in Egypt from 4 to 5 December
2007 to which I will lead the South African delegation. We will attempt to
resolve any outstanding issues at this meeting.

There is no longer a debate on who will participate in this summit. It has
been accepted that all countries in Africa and Europe will be invited and those
who want to attend will do so. There are many important issues to be discussed
and those who are participating will engage in these discussions.

Zimbabwe

We believe we have been consistently working to meet the mandate handed out
to South Africa at the Extraordinary SADC Summit earlier this year. This
mandated President Mbeki to facilitate talks between all roleplayers. South
Africa is happy with the progress that has been made.

This is reflected by the unanimous acceptance by all relevant stakeholders
in Zimbabwe, of the Constitutional Amendment Bill No 18, which seeks to
harmonise presidential, parliamentary and local government elections as from
2008. South Africa will continue to facilitate dialogue between the government
and opposition parties, including representatives from civil society in order
to resolve the remaining challenges facing Zimbabwe leading up to the 2008
general elections. Our primary focus remains ensuring an outcome that expresses
the free will of the people of Zimbabwe as a critical element of opening
avenues to tackle the serious socio-economic crisis.

We are confident that many of the other outstanding issues that are being
discussed will be successfully resolved to ensure free and fair elections are
held in 2008.

We are focusing on ensuring an outcome that will determine that the free
will of the people of Zimbabwe is expressed and that avenues to tackle the
socio-economic challenges will be found.

You are aware that our Finance Ministers met on the fringes of the IMF
meeting in Washington and since then they have met in Zambia where they further
reviewed the report by the SADC Executive Secretary on the economic situation
in Zimbabwe and what SADC can do to help the Zimbabweans emerge from this
crisis.

All the Finance Ministers have now returned to their capitals and after
consultations with their capitals they will determine the next step.

South Africa is quite happy with the progress being made in the Facilitation
efforts and we think even if there are some difficulties, the process has been
placed on the right track.

South-South Co-operation
2ND IBSA Summit

South Africa hosted the 2nd India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) Summit on
15 to 17 October 2007. The IBSA Forum is gaining a lot of momentum. We will
intensify our co-operation through a number of trilateral Memorundum of
Understandings (MoUs) / Agreements that were signed in the following areas:
Public Administration, Higher Education, Health and Medicines, Social
Development, Cultural Co-operation, Wind Energy and Mutual Administrative
Assistance Agreement on customs Matters.

We do believe that India-Brazil and South Africa represent three important
economic players in three important continents and this Forum can become a very
strong base for South-South relations.

3rd South Africa- China Bi-National Commission

The 3rd Session of the South Africa-China Bi-National Commission was held in
Beijing on 24 September 2007. Deputy President Mlambo-Ngcuka led the South
African delegation.

We believe this has opened up possibilities through which to intensify South
Africa – China relations and through this Africa – China relations. There have
been many reports in the media of China's interests in Africa. We have no such
concerns of any re-colonisation of Africa by China and we are beginning to
increase our overall interaction with China on a developmental paradigm. We are
confident that the Chinese commitment to a developmental agenda is secure.

South Africa and China agreed to co-operate in the commemoration of the 10
years of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 2008. This will be a
major occasion that will see the consolidation of China – South Africa and
therefore China – Africa relations.

Also high on the agenda was the proposed South Africa-China Partnership for
Growth and Development (PGD), continued support by the Chinese for Accelerated
and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) and Joint Initiative on
Priority Skills Acquisition (Jipsa), as well as the overall work being done by
the government on Poverty Alleviation. Ongoing good co-operation was
highlighted in a number of areas, including agriculture and education. An
Agreement was also signed on Co-operation in the Field of Minerals and Energy,
as well as an MOU on Co-operation in Human Resource Development.

North-South co-operation

European Union

Following the adoption of the SA-EU Joint Action Plan (JAP) for the
implementation of the SA-EU Strategic Partnership, the first full meeting of
the Ministerial Troika since the establishment of the SA-EU Strategic
Partnership was held in South Africa on 10 October 2007. The Meeting focused on
the review of the SA-EU Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA),
as well as its implementation.

G8

The G8 Summit held in Heiligendamm, Germany on 6 to 8 June 2007 agreed to
establish a follow-up mechanism, the Heiligendamm Dialogue Process, which
involves the +5 Outreach Partners (South Africa, India, Brazil, China and
Mexico). This Process will constitute a high-level dialogue lasting two years
and dealing with four themes agreed to by the G8 and the +5 Outreach
Partners.

As part of its preparations, the +5 Group met in Mexico on 12 August 2007 at
Ministerial level on the margins of the UN General Assembly to devise
strategies for effective engagement with the G8, the Heiligendamm Dialogue
Process, and future collaboration within the +5 Group, taking into account the
need to reflect and represent the broader views of the South. South Africa is
challenged to effectively articulate its policy positions on the thematic
issues put on the agenda, i.e. Energy, Climate Change, Investment and
Intellectual Property to ensure maximum benefits from the engagement within the
+5 and the G8.

Participate in global governance

Participation in the 62nd Session of the General Assembly of the United
Nations President Mbeki led a high-level South African delegation to the 62nd
Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York on 24 September
2007. The theme for the 62nd Session was 'Responding to Climate Change.' We
think it was very successful.

France, as the President of the Council, convened a special Summit on Peace
and Security in Africa. The President and the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Dlamini Zuma, participated in a series of meetings on the margins of the
General Assembly and high-level segment of the United Nations General Assembly
(UNGA) that involved issues of both bilateral and multilateral nature
respectively.

A number of issues, which remain challenges to the international community,
were highlighted during UNGA62. These include the following: Weapons of Mass
Destruction (WMD) - particularly Iran, the Middle East Peace Process, the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the effects of Climate
Change, African Peace and Security issues and the strengthening of
multilateralism. There was general consensus that the reform of the UN,
including the Security Council, had to be followed through. Member States also
expressed sentiments that a reformed, stronger UN is necessary to strengthen
multilateralism and co-operation.

As you are aware, one of the fundamental pillars of our domestic and foreign
policy is poverty alleviation and sustainable development.

In the period under review, South Africa has intensified its efforts to
achieve the objectives of this pillar. We seek to do so in a period of
unprecedented globalisation, the benefits of which have eluded the vast
majority of countries of the South.

Poverty Alleviation and Sustainable Development

You will recall that the historic UN Millennium Summit in 2000 declared that
"we believe that the central challenge we face today is to ensure that
globalisation becomes a positive force for the entire world's people. For,
while globalisation offers great opportunities, at present its benefits are
very unevenly shared, while its costs are unevenly distributed. We recognise
that developing countries and countries with economies in transition face
special difficulties in responding to this central challenge. Thus, only
through broad and sustained efforts to create a shared future, based upon our
common humanity in all its diversity, can globalisation be made fully inclusive
and equitable."

This has been driving our cluster to achieve the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) by 2015. What we must ask ourselves as we enter the mid-point to
2015 is what has been achieved?

What has been achieved?

The President of the World Bank, Robert Zoellick, in October 2007:
"Globalisation offers incredible opportunities. Yet exclusion, grinding
poverty, and environmental damage create dangers."

In 2000, the countries of the United Nations established eight Millennium
Development Goals – ambitious targets to halve poverty, fight hunger and
disease, and deliver basic services to the poor by 2015.

These aims of sound social development need to be combined with the
requirements for sustainable growth, driven by the private sector, within a
supportive framework of public policies.

Globalisation must not leave the 'bottom billion' behind. Inclusive
globalisation is also a matter of self-interest. Poverty breeds instability,
disease, devastation of common resources and the environment. Poverty can lead
to broken societies that can become breeding grounds of those bent on
destruction and to migrations that risk lives.

Globalisation has also brought uneven benefits to the billions.

This is significant because South Africa, since the Millennium Development
Summit in 2000, has been very active in seeking to ensure we achieve the MDGs.
Clearly, as Zoellick has indicated, it does not look like sub-Saharan Africa
will meet these goals.

Zoellick, significantly highlighted some of the needs of the developing
world that would contribute to the achievement of the MDGs.

Consider some of the needs:

Every year, malaria strikes some 500 million people worldwide. Yet we could
get close to overcoming this leading killer of African children. It would take
an investment of approximately US$3 billion a year over the next few years to
provide every household vulnerable to malaria with treated bed nets, medicines,
and modest amounts of indoor insecticide.

The International Energy Agency estimates that developing countries will
need about US$170 billion of investment in the power sector each year over the
next decade just to keep up with electricity needs, with an extra US$30 billion
per year to transition to a low carbon energy mix.

An additional US$30 billion per year is needed to achieve the MDG of
supplying safe water to 1,5 billion people and sanitation to the two billion
people who lack these most basic necessities, also improving gender equality in
poor countries.

There is a need for another US$130 billion a year to meet the transportation
infrastructure requirements of growing developing countries, including an
estimated US$10 billion a year for maritime container terminals to accommodate
opportunities in trade.

And to provide primary education for some 80 million out-of-school children,
another Millennium Goal, low-income countries will require about US$7 billion
per year.

Do the developed countries have the political will to ensure that these
resources required will indeed be provided? The record and our experience to
date have not left much room for optimism.

The South African government fully agrees with the comments by the United
Nations Secretary-General (UNSG), Ban Ki Moon at a conference in Chile last
week who said that "what is most important at this time is to have strong
political will and strong leadership. We have the resources, we have the
technology, we have all the theories, but what we lack the most is political
will. An implementation gap exists between promises and delivery."

The UNSG last week said: "Seven years ago, world leaders made an
inspirational and visionary decision, adopting the MDGs. They gave us a clear,
time-bound blueprint in the form of the MDGs. We're just past the midpoint this
year to reach the Goals by 2015. The world's scorecard is mixed."

If we go to Africa, particularly in the sub-Saharan region, there is not a
single country in the sub-Saharan (region) that are on board. Millions of
children die every year before they reach their fifth birthday. And malaria and
AIDS, tuberculosis and other infectious diseases are taking their worst toll on
countries that can least afford it.

And in many cities in developing countries, more than half the population
lives in slums, with little or no access to basic services.

I think that clearly, we are facing an emergency, and in this emergency
situation we need an emergency response, collective and emergency actions.

The 2015 target is a goalpost that can never be moved. The clock is ticking
louder and louder every day. To reach the Goals on time, we have to take
concerted action now.

The Secretary-General has once again highlighted that the developed
countries make numerous commitments which they fail to implement.

The Secretary-General estimates that not one country in sub-Saharan Africa
will meet all the MDGs. Our own view is that this is an objective we must
strive to meet and even if we do not fully meet all the MDGs, we must meet the
MDGs related to halving poverty by 2015, ensuring we halve the number of poor
people by this date.

It is a challenge that we would once again reiterate our call to the
developed countries to assist us to do more to ensure we successfully move
towards implementing the MDGs.

As the UNSG has said, we will never make headway in achieving this if we do
not have the political will.

We are aware of our tasks and duties but we do not have the necessary
resources as identified by the World Bank to really make a decisive impact on
underdevelopment in sub-Saharan Africa.

This is an area on which we have been concentrating and now we have reached
a stage where it is accepted that climate change is linked to development and
again, that sub-Saharan Africa will be a major victim of the continuing climate
change that will have a decisive impact on Africa if not halted in the next few
years.

Climate Change

Our interaction with the world is to deal with this 'emergency situation,'
which demands 'collective and emergency actions' and demands that the developed
countries meet their commitments.

Today it is increasingly accepted that Climate Change is intrinsically
linked to poverty alleviation and sustainable development. AU studies indicate
that Africa will suffer the greatest negative consequences of climate
change.

Important negotiations on Climate Change which will take place in Bali,
Indonesia, early in December 2007.

It is clear that we need a significant advance in the multilateral
negotiations if we want to build a more inclusive, flexible and environmentally
effective climate regime under the United Nations. New initiatives and
agreements such as those recently proposed by the US - are welcome, as long as
they feed into the multilateral system and are not aimed at displacing it. We
engage with countries outside of the Kyoto Protocol regime, especially the
United States of America (USA), to ensure that they are dynamically involved in
shaping the post-2012 agreements.
The second major pillar of our international relations cluster is peace and
stability:

Sudan

The South African government remains concerned about the situation in
Darfur. We have briefed you about the talks that took place in Libya and we are
now seeing further splintering of the rebel groups. There are some 16 rebel
groups that have splintered from the groups that existed a year and a half
ago.

The Darfur Peace Process consists of three phases. Phase I encompassed the
opening, the plenary sessions and the statements of position that led directly
into the current Phase II, made up of consultations and workshops in
preparation for direct negotiations. Those would occur in Phase III, which has
been planned for about four weeks from now.

Phase I was significant in that it presented the first time that the parties
were meeting face to face since the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement in
May 2006. There was consensus that dialogue was the only way forward and that
there was no military solution to the conflict.

There were seven rebel groups represented by high-level delegates, including
the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement
(JEM).

Among the absent factional leaders, were those who rejected the process
outright, including Abdul Wahid el-Nur. AU and UN envoys are in discussions
with him.

There were some leaders who wanted to come to Sirte but had certain
pre-conditions, others who could not attend for logistical reasons. A joint
UN-AU mission arrived in Juba to consult with those who could not attend and
would also be going to El-Fasher in Darfur.

The second phase of consultations including the issues of compensation,
wealth-sharing, security arrangements, ceasefire monitoring arrangements,
governance and power-sharing, etc.

It is the South African government's view that the Security Council has
warned that anybody who is an obstacle to the process must except to face the
consequences from the international community.

South Africa will again call on those who did not attend to ensure that in
the interest of peace in Darfur in particular and Sudan in general that they
attend the talks or we would hope that the Security Council who took a decision
against those who act against the interest of the process to take action.

This is very necessary because there is no military solution unless there is
a political one.

Ban Ki-Moon Warns Against Delays in Deployment of Hybrid Force

The hybrid United Nations-African Union peacekeeping mission to the war-torn
Darfur region United Nations African Union Mission in Durfur (UNAMID) still
lacks critical transport and aviation units and the Sudanese Government has not
responded yet to the UN-AU submission on the force's composition,
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said, warning that delays to deployment will only
exacerbate the humanitarian situation.

We must therefore increase our interaction with all sides to ensure that the
hybrid force can be operationalised as previously agreed by the end of December
2007. We will again call on the more developed countries in the UN to provide
the heavy support package.

In his latest report on UNAMID, Ban said the combination of the delays and
the recent spike in security incidents across the western Sudanese region has
left Darfur 'at a crossroads.'

He urged Member States which can do so to contribute the missing transport
and aviation capabilities for the mission, which is expected to have more than
25,000 troops and police officers at full capacity.

"Without these critical units, the mission will not be able to implement its
mandate," he writes.

The Secretary-General also called on the Sudanese Government to co-operate
concerning the acquisition of land, the approval of flight operations rights
for UN aircraft and the composition of UNAMID so that the force can be quickly
introduced.

"This force composition is predominantly African," he noted, in line with
the Security Council resolution earlier this year establishing UNAMID, "and
provides for a force that would meet United Nations standards and would be
capable of deploying in a timely manner."

Ban said the start of peace talks last month in neighbouring Libya between
some of the numerous Darfur rebel groups and the Sudanese Government
"represents a unique opportunity to achieve a definitive end to the suffering
of the people of Darfur," adding that the talks were the first phase of a
multi-part process to obtain a political solution.

The complexity of deploying a hybrid force in Darfur is highlighted by a far
reaching interview by General Agwai.

His main problem, General Martin Agwai says in this interview, is the high
expectations which UNAMID faces. He spoke to allAfrica in Cape Town, where he
was addressing a seminar at the city's Centre for Conflict Resolution.

Darfur Peacekeeper Warns of High Expectations

When the new African Union-United Nations hybrid force for Darfur (UNAMID)
deploys at the end of the year, its commander expects to have only half the 20
000 troops planned for. Moreover, while he needs a minimum of 30 to 38 military
helicopters for his task, right now not a single country in the world has
pledged even one.

To a very large extent it's a very tough job. What make it even tougher are
the high expectations, especially when people hear about the hybrid force. A
lot believe that by 31 December we'll have a hybrid force that will help
provide security for the IDPs (internally displaced persons) and also some of
the refugees and then they'll be able to go back home. That is the expectation…
in the IDP camps, in the international community and among the humanitarian
agencies.

I don't even have 6 000 troops on the ground. What we have is just a little
bit above 5 000 If you look at the mandate, it was initially an observer
mission, to observe the peace agreement (the Darfur Peace Agreement of 2006),
to make sure that people were conforming to what they accepted. It was a small
mission to… verify any ceasefire violation. But today people expect that small
mission even to provide security for civilians, when it cannot even provide
security for itself. So that is the first challenge, the numbers.

Second, if you have been to Darfur, you will find that there are no roads,
there are no means of communication. In the rainy season, when it rains there
is no way you can even go out on patrol because the whole area is flooded, the
wadis are flooded. We don't have the right vehicles to go into such terrain…
Even by air, by helicopter, the shortest distance to an AU Mission in
Sudan-Darfur (AMIS) camp is 30 minutes by helicopter. If you try to do it on a
good smooth day by road, it's about 3-1/2, four hours. If you want to go to
Malha in the north by helicopter, it's 2-1/2 hours. So these are these are the
types of distances we are talking about.

Then there is the issue of water. (From) some of our camps, you have to go
over five kilometres just to get water for our own forces, not helping anybody
else.

To crown it all, there's not only the issue of numbers, but what is the
agreement in the DPA? If you want to investigate a ceasefire, you have to
invite all the stakeholders. Remember, some of the stakeholders are not
signatories to the DPA. How do you get all the people that don't agree to now
agree to go and investigate a ceasefire violation?

The mandate has to go with the force level and the equipment. In the hybrid
force we hope to have military utility helicopters. Then you can take more
risks, you can give orders to military pilots, because that is what they are
trained for.

What do we have now? Because of the rules that the civil pilots have to
observe there are a lot of things we want to do that we can't. We hope that
this new force will have those. And if we do then we will be able to protest
ourselves, we'll be able to protect the UN and AU resources and personnel,
we'll be able to provide a degree of security to the humanitarian agencies and
we'll be able to provide at least area security for the locals that will give
them some confidence to be able to start thinking of going home.

The minimum, not the ideal but the minimum (is) 18 utility helicopters, and
about 12 to 18 combat helicopters that can go to do reconnaissance and other
things. As of today, there is no country in the world that has volunteered to
give us that capability – zero. And that's why I am saying that by 31 December
there are lots of expectations, but the reality on the ground is different.

You must have heard about the attack we had on our camp in Haskanita (on 30
September), when we lost 10 of our peacekeepers. After the attack we wanted to
go to the area to move the injured. It took us about eight hours because the
civil pilots couldn't take the risks… If we had military helicopters, we would
have been able to arrive there much, much earlier, and we may have been able to
save maybe one or two lives.

On force contribution:

I cannot tell you who has agreed to contribute to the Hybrid Force. As a
force commander it is not my prerogative. It is the AU and the UN headquarters
that get pledges and then they consider (offers), using their own parameters,
to come up with a force.

But one thing is clear… it has to be a tripartite agreement – the AU, the UN
and the host country, Sudan. Until those three agree, you can't have a force,
and as of now, I don't think there has been an agreement. So apart from the
current force we have on the ground, there is nothing new.

That's why I keep saying that expectations are far away from the reality.
For example, going by the mandate of (Security Council Resolution) 1769, by the
end of August we would have known the troop-contributing countries. We are in
November – we don't know. So we are already running far behind this plan.
That's why I keep on sounding a warning on expectations, expectations.

By the 31 December, I think we should be talking about somewhere within the
region of 9 000 or 10 000, out of 20 000.

Well, at the moment there is no peace to keep, and that is where the dangers
and the difficulties come. But I'm very optimistic that we may have some deals.
But it will take time. People have to exercise a lot of patience I am not
expecting that next week, or by the end of this year, or by the end of
November, there will be a peace deal. But I believe that by and large, with
time, we'll be able to get the groups together to broker a peace.

However, we still have a role to play in Darfur with or without a peace
deal: humanitarian services, security – protection of invalids, the elderly,
women and children, especially with the stories you hear – some of them are the
realities – of women going out to fetch firewood and being raped, and children
being attacked.

On materials needed:

We need a lot of armoured personnel carriers (APCs). AMIS is a donor-driven
mission – countries donate equipment that the troops are using. Under UNAMID,
the UN system (will apply) a country comes with its own equipment and the UN
leases the equipment.

So we hope the countries that are coming will meet the UN standard. For
example every battalion is supposed to come with a minimum of 18 APCs. If they
cannot, I hope that a third country will be able to assist those countries. So
hopefully, when UNAMID takes off fully, we will have a force that will be able
to perform much better than the AMIS force.

On the 'prospect of failure'

I know there are ups and downs but (one has) to be focussed, have your
strategic goals, (move) towards them and be flexible when there are
difficulties, which there are bound to be. What one has to guard against is
first to allow any difficulty that will dampen the morale of the men. You do it
by training… even in the mission area, we still keep them training, updating
themselves, being dynamic enough to move with the situation on the ground.

On my part, my consolation is that I believe the world which decided to give
me the job will come to my aid when I dearly need it, (to help) me achieve the
goal that they have set for me.

Message to the people of Darfur

I want them to know that we have some limitations but even with those
limitations we will do the best to provide them with the limited security that
we can. But with time, as the force settles in and enlarges, we'll be able to
provide them with minimum security and create a conducive atmosphere for them
to be able to go back home.

But I also want them to talk to their leadership. They must realize that
there is no military solution to the problem of Darfur. Since there is no
military solution, they must come to the conference table, have a dialogue.
Splitting their movements into several further groups will not solve the
problem.

The leadership must compromise and come together, for the interests of the
children, for the interests of the young ones, and even those unborn so that
they can have a future… And if they compromise and have a peace deal that we
can monitor, that we can verify, that we can keep for them, then they will have
a country, they will have a home for every one of them and we will get over
this very quickly.

Somalia

Somalia continues to represent a challenge with which we are involved.

On 27 October 2007, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) Prime
Minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, resigned his post. This followed period of struggle
between the Somali Prime Minister and its President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed.
Former Prime Minister Gedi, a Hawiye and President Yusuf from the Darod clan,
clashed over the balance of powers between the Presidency and the office of the
Prime Minister. Prime Minister Gedi believed the Presidency was a figurehead
position, while President Yusuf said that he was the Head of State with full
powers. They come from rival clans, which in turn brought Somalia's long clan
struggles and suspicions into the heart of the Federal Government.

The resignation threw the TFG into further disarray, in particular with
regard to its struggles against the Islamic insurgency, which has now
intensified. Former Prime Minister Gedi maintained that he was stepping down
for the good of the country as continued bickering does not augur well for the
reconciliation. On 11 October, 22 Ministers signed a letter demanding a vote of
no confidence in the government, accusing Gedi of incompetence and the TFG of
failing to deliver on its mandate, particularly the drafting of the
Constitution, the holding of census and setting up of functional regional
Governments.

Professor Salim Aliyow Ibirow was appointed acting Prime Minister of Somalia
by President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed. Ibirow, a former professor at the Somali
National University, is in his early 60s and was both Gedi's deputy and
Minister of Education. He will preside over a caretaker Cabinet until a new
Prime Minister is appointed within 30 days as stipulated by the interim
constitution. Parliament is expected to debate whether the Prime Minister could
be appointed from outside Parliament. Currently, any potential Prime Minister
must be an MP.

While the disarray within the TFG has dampened the political mood, efforts
to continue with the national reconciliation process are ongoing. On 5 November
2007, legislators in the southern Somali town of Baidoa engaged in heated
debates regarding a proposal to implement into law decisions signed at the
conclusion of the country's first-ever National Reconciliation Conference (NRC)
in August 2007. A Parliamentary Subcommittee tasked with reviewing the NRC
documents issued a written statement to the Somali Parliament highlighting four
major points:
* the subcommittee argued that the NRC was a clan-based meeting, "not a
national convention," as detailed in the NRC documents,
* the NRC decision that the Prime Minister and members of the Cabinet can be
selected from outside of parliament is a decision solely for the Somali
Parliament to debate and ratify,
* the NRC organising committee's term in office expired in August 2007 when the
NRC convention ended,
* the fourth point categorically dismissed a clause in the NRC documents
stating that a "ceasefire" is in effect throughout Somalia following the
conclusion of the clan-based NRC convention.

Given these four points, Parliament was opened for debate with lawmakers
expressing opposing views on the issues. The most contentious issue at present
however remained the clause calling for an amendment in the law so that
President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed can appoint a non-MP to the post of Prime
Minister. Not surprisingly, those who argued against the amendment are former
Prime Minister Gedi's supporters.

On the security front, Somalia continued to plunge into instability.
Thousands more civilians fled their homes and more than 30 people were killed
after some of the worst fighting - between Islamist insurgents and allied
Ethiopian-Somali government troops - Mogadishu has seen during the month of
October and early November. The three districts of Hodan, Hawl-Wadag and
Wardhigley (south Mogadishu) were most affected by the latest fighting. Fears
of a major military offensive have sparked a further civilian exodus from the
Somali capital Mogadishu. The deputy chairman of the Eritrea-based Somali
opposition group, Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia, Zakaria Mahamud
Abdi, warned that well armed rebels are prepared to step up attacks against
Ethiopian troops in the city.

On 12 November 2007, local elders and civil society leaders called on the
international community to help stop the carnage in Mogadishu that has left
hospitals overwhelmed and many streets filled with bodies since the
intensification of fighting from 8 November 2007. It is estimated that over 200
people have perished, and between 500 and 700 wounded since 8 November
2007.

An upsurge of fighting in Mogadishu in recent days has displaced some 90 000
residents from their homes, adding to the exodus of 400 000 inhabitants in
earlier bouts of fighting. According to the UN Office for the co-ordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), about 450 000 people have been displaced by
fighting this year, bringing the total number of displaced persons in Somalia
to more than 850 000 including about 400 000 displaced since the civil war
began in the 1990s. Overall, 1,5 million people in Somalia are in need of
assistance and protection, marking a 50 per cent increase since the beginning
of this year.

The AU and UN are increasingly concerned about the humanitarian challenges.
We will continue to argue for a political solution because there can be no
military one. The crisis in Somalia is based on clan violence. We must argue
for an inclusive solution.

The UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) also
reported that another 24 000 Somalis have had to flee Mogadishu in the past
week because of the deadly fighting.

At least 51 civilians were killed and another 30 were wounded last Thursday
and Friday alone, OCHA said in a statement, and an estimated 114 000 residents
of Mogadishu have left the city this year. In total, some 850,000 people are
now internally displaced across Somalia.

OCHA warned that the grave situation was being made worse because the
fighting had seriously curtailed the movement of humanitarian workers. Many of
the people fleeing Mogadishu in recent weeks are now living in rudimentary
roadside settlements and nearby villages, placing great strain on the resources
of those communities.

Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs John Holmes, who is also UN
Emergency Relief Coordinator, said "civilians are more than ever bearing the
brunt of the fighting in Mogadishu. I appeal to all those with guns, whether
Government, insurgent, or Ethiopian troops, to refrain from indiscriminate and
disproportionate attacks affecting civilians."

Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, the Secretary-General's Special Representative for
Somalia, is holding meetings in Nairobi, the capital of neighbouring Kenya,
with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) operating in Somalia and also civil
society groups.

In recent days he has also met with Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf and Ali
Mahdi Mohammed, the Chairman of Somalia's National Reconciliation Congress, to
try to find a political solution to the crisis.

The worsening state of security in the Somali capital of Mogadishu has
hindered the work of aid agencies trying to tackle the humanitarian catastrophe
in the Horn of Africa country. International and national NGOs cannot respond
effectively to the crisis because access and security are deteriorating
dramatically at a time when needs are increasing.

Additionally, increased tension between the self-declared republic of
Somaliland and the neighbouring self-declared autonomous region of Puntland
over the disputed region of Sool has led to the displacement of up to 20 000
people from the area. Forces loyal to the Somaliland administration took
control of the Sool regional capital Las Anod, which was previously controlled
by Puntland on 15 October 2007 sparking violent demonstrations which called for
Somaliland to withdraw its forces. Sool and Sanaag geographically fall within
the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, but most of the clans are
linked to Puntland.

Addis Ababa officially recognises having about 4 000 soldiers in Somalia,
where it is supporting President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed's government against
Islamist rebels. But Somalis and regional diplomats say there are far more than
that. Ethiopia has said publicly on numerous occasions it wants to pull out of
Somalia, but will not leave until an African Union (AU) force is up to full
strength. The AU approved a peacekeeping mission of 8 000 soldiers earlier in
the year, but only 1 600 Ugandans have so far arrived in Somalia. Other African
nations have made promises to send troops but logistical problems and the
volatile situation has delayed the deployment of troops. The crisis in Somalia
has also led to the perpetuation of a proxy war between Ethiopia and Eritrea,
which in turn undermines the resolution of the border dispute between the two
countries thereby sparking fears of regional war and instability in the Horn of
Africa region.

UN Peacekeeping Mission Not Realistic or Viable, Says UN
Secretary-General
Deploying a United Nations peacekeeping operation to Somalia is not realistic
or viable given the war-wracked African country's security situation, the
intensifying insurgency and the lack of progress towards any political
reconciliation, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said.

In his latest report on the situation in Somalia, Ban writes that conditions
are so dire that it has not even been possible to send a technical assessment
mission to the country.

"Nevertheless, a strategic assessment of United Nations interventions in
Somalia has been initiated, with a view to providing an integrated approach and
framework for United Nations engagement in Somalia," he says, including in
maintaining support for the existing African Union Mission to the country,
known as African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

"Given the complex security situation in Somalia, it may be advisable to
look at additional security options, including the deployment of a robust
multinational force or coalition of the willing."

"Such a force could initially be small and self-sustaining, growing over
time with the achievement of specific security and political milestones. In due
time, such a force could be built to a level that would enable Ethiopian forces
(which are in Somalia to support the fragile Transitional Federal Government)
to commence a partial, then complete withdrawal from the country."

Ban stressed that the UN continues to conduct a two-track approach to
Somalia, by encouraging dialogue between the TFG and opposition groups with the
aim of producing a cessation of hostilities and the creation of broad-based and
inclusive public institutions, and by strengthening AMISOM to the point that
would allow Ethiopian forces to withdraw and the emergence of some
stability.

Former PM 'Ready to Mediate' Between Government, Opposition Somalia's former
Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi said on Sunday, 11 November 2007 that he is
"ready to mediate" between the country's Ethiopian-backed transitional
government and a Somali opposition alliance based in Eritrea.

"I am not a member of the opposition but I am always eager to seek peace in
Somalia," Gedi said during an interview.

He said he is even willing to visit exiled Somali opposition leaders in
Asmara, the capital of Eritrea.

Gedi called on Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf to stop making major
decisions alone and urged him to seek genuine reconciliation and fairness.

The former Somali premier appealed to the armed groups opposed to Yusuf's
government to accept peace and seek compromise.

It is not clear what the opposition thinks of Gedi's offer, fully aware that
he has led the transitional government since its formation in 2004.

Democratic Republic of Congo

The governments of South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
have an agreement to utilise trilateral co-operation mechanisms to address the
financial and technical challenges affecting the implementation of identified
bilateral projects, and to co-operate on the critical issues of the Security
Sector Reform and on gender equality. In the context of the significant
requests for assistance in human resource capacity building, it was agreed that
the refurbishment of the DRC National School of Public Administration be
prioritised as to allow this institution to serve as the central point for
capacity building and the training of civil servants in the DRC. Agreement was
also reached on the hosting of a Congolese Diaspora conference in South Africa
to encourage the return of skilled people to the DRC. An agreement on the
establishment of a Reporting Matrix in order to facilitate the tracking of
progress on the implementation of projects was also finalised.

The situation in Eastern DRC remains volatile. South Africa will continue to
encourage dialogue and co-operation amongst the countries of the region,
especially DRC and Rwanda as the basis for a sustainable solution. Closely
linked to this, is the need for continued enhancement of the capacity of the
armed forces of the DRC to secure its territorial sovereignty. In this regard
the ongoing support by South Africa to the initiative of the Security Sector
Reform (SSR) should be enhanced.

The South African government welcomes the announcement that Rwanda and the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have reached an agreement that will see the
latter disarm and expel genocidal forces, grouped in what is known as the
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

The deal was reached on Friday, 9 November 2007 between Foreign Affairs
ministers from the two neighbours in Nairobi, Kenya, at a ceremony that was
facilitated by the UN and witnessed by the US and the European Union.

'The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo commits to launch
military operations, as a matter of urgency, to dismantle the
ex-FAR/Interahamwe as a genocidal military organisation in the DRC,' a joint
communiqué signed by among others, Rwanda's Foreign Affairs Minister Charles
Murigande and Congolese State Minister of Foreign Affairs, Antipas Mbusa
Nyamwisi, reads in part.

DRC agreed to prepare a detailed plan to disarm the militia, while the UN
Mission in Congo (MONUC) agreed to 'provide support to the planning and
subsequent implementation consistent with its mandate and capacities.'

The plan will be shared with the Rwandan government by 1 December, the
communiqué added.

The plan, according to the statement, shall include 'reactivation and
streamlining, in parallel with military pressure, existing efforts to sensitise
ex-FAR/Interahamwe elements to disarm and repatriate to Rwanda.'

The agreement also provides for 'temporary relocation of disarmed
ex-FAR/Interahamwe elements to reception centres/cantonment sites in DRC,
registration by Monuc under the DDRRR procedures and repatriation of those who
choose to return to Rwanda.'

Under the planned disarmament plan, DRC - with the help of relevant
international organisations - agreed to move disarmed ex-FAR/Interahamwe who do
not wish to return to Rwanda and who are not wanted for Genocide by Rwandan
justice or the International Criminal tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), away from the
border until their condition is normalised.

The meeting came after Rwanda reacted to DRC's plan to disarm FDLR, which
Kigali said was lacking, and for which it provided a counter-proposal.

Rwanda committed itself to 'take all necessary measures to seal its border
to prevent the entry into or exit from its territory of members of any armed
group, renegade militia leaders, (General Laurent) Nkunda's group in
particular, and prevent any form of support - military, material or human -
being provided to any armed group in the DRC.'

Kigali also agreed to share with Kinshasa and Monuc a list of Genocide
suspects, where as DRC committed itself to arrest and hand over to ICTR or
Rwanda those indicted for Genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes.

They two states also agreed to refrain from statements in support of any
armed group against each other.

"Both countries agreed to meet in Nairobi as a way of reaching an agreement
on the disarmament plan.

We feel, if honoured, the agreement will help deal with the problem that has
been at the centre of insecurity in the region," President Paul Kagame's
Special Envoy to the Great Lakes Region, Ambassador Richard Sezibera, said
yesterday.

And asked if he thought the development demonstrated DRC's commitment to
addressing the FDLR issue, Sezibera said: "There is a renewed commitment not
only on the part of Congo, but also on the side of those who witnessed the
agreement. Monuc was asked to be more involved in (military activities) against
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which was previously not
the case."

The two countries also agreed to 'fully commit (themselves) to prevent the
direct and indirect support - political, material or human - to any national
and foreign armed group operating in the DRC.'

They also agreed to share information and address issues of common concern
through existing mechanism, in particular the Joint Verification Mechanism
(JVM) and the Tripartite Plus Commission.

The pact also binds both countries to 'immediately assign the members to the
JVT in Goma, Bukavu (in DRC), Gisenyi and Cyangugu in Rwanda.

Both countries also committed themselves to establish strict border controls
and prevent illicit cross-border movement of combatants or recruits, arms,
military material, food or medical support for any armed groups. They further
agreed to refrain from aiding and abetting any armed group.

The pact also calls upon all Congolese associated with the
ex-FAR/Interahamwe to 'leave the group immediately and definitely.'

International partners were also called upon to mobilise support to help
implement the agreement, and to provide humanitarian assistance to civilians
that are likely to be affected by the planned military operations.

The signatories also urged the Security Council to pass a resolution
establishing sanctions against Ex-FAR/Interahamwe and called upon member states
to 'prevent all fundraising, mobilisation or propaganda activities of the
ex-FAR/Interahamwe.'

Other signatories to the bilateral meeting are the UN Assistant
Secretary-General for Political Affaires, Haile Menkerios, and the EU Special
Representative for the Great Lakes Region, Roeland van de Geer, and the US
Senior Advisor to the Assistant Secretary Jendayi Frazer for the Conflict
Resolution Department of State, Timothy Shortley.

The South African government believes that the agreement between them on a
common approach and immediate, concrete steps to carry it out marks a
significant breakthrough. This approach offers an opportunity for the
comprehensive resolution of the fundamental problems posed by irregular armed
groups in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is also an important
step towards restoring peace and security for the populations that have
suffered for so long. The Secretary-General reiterates his calls on all
irregular groups operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to lay down
their arms, and seize the opportunity for a normal life.

The South African government welcomes the fact that the agreed steps include
actions to fight impunity. We urge both Governments to act urgently to
implement all the agreed measures and calls upon their international partners
to support these efforts and to increase humanitarian assistance to respond to
the dire situation on the ground. The South African government welcomes the
commitment of the UN to support both governments in their implementation of
their common approach, and to help ensure the protection of civilians.

Burundi

South Africa has been dealing with this matter since the Presidency of
Nelson Mandela.

The South African government remains very concerned that the intransigent
position of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People- Forces for the
National Liberation (Palipehutu-FNL) remains the main, and last, obstacle to
peace in Burundi, and continues to prevent the Joint Verification and
Monitoring Mechanism (JVMM) from implementing the Comprehensive Ceasefire
Agreement (CFA).

It is our view that the Palipehutu-FNL has not shown willingness and
commitment to implement the final stages of the CFA, even after various efforts
by the Facilitator, Minister Charles Nqakula and the Special Representative to
the Great Lakes, Ambassador Mamabolo, to deal with the impasse that has
developed. We cannot get the Paliphehutu-FNL to move genuinely and decisively
towards solving this impasse.

The Palipehutu-FNL continues to raise issues that are not part of the CPA,
including an insistence that the current Burundi army must be dismantled, and
that Cabinet and Senate positions in government must be granted to them before
they will finalise the implementation of the CPA.

Over the last two months it has become clear that there is a large split in
the Palipehutu-FNL, with approximately 2 700 additional peace combatants
leaving their combat positions in the bush and reporting to make-shift transit
camps inside Burundi, which has signalled their readiness to be included in the
disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) process, in accordance
with the cease-fire agreement.

This is creating a humanitarian crisis because the international community
did not envisage having to deal with such a large force breaking away from the
Paliphehutu-FNL and join the processes.

This has created a two-fold crisis. Firstly, a security situation where
violent confrontations have erupted between the pro-peace and the anti-peace
factions, which has led to numerous deaths. The ex-combatants have occupied
areas that were not agreed upon in the JVMM, and this makes them vulnerable to
attack. Secondly, there is a growing humanitarian situation where the
additional 2 700 ex-combatants are technically outside the stipulations of the
peace agreement and are thus not being included in the DDR process, and are not
being assisted with shelter or food.

The facilitation team has received a mandate from the Regional Initiative
(Uganda and Tanzania) to try and assist in providing humanitarian assistance to
the additional ex-combatants of the Palipehutu-FNL, and to try and convince
donor countries that this is indeed an excellent opportunity to cement peace in
Burundi by assisting these ex-combatants and so preventing their return to the
bush as combatants of necessity.

We urge the international community to respond to these humanitarian
challenges.

Politically, the challenge is how to proceed with the implementation of the
ceasefire including the integration of these additional ex-combatants into the
Burundi government's security structures without the exiled Palipehutu-FNL
leadership participating in the processes. The Facilitator, Minister Charles
Nqakula has consequently requested the Regional Initiative to consider
convening a Regional Summit that will receive a progress report, to review the
mandate given to the Facilitating Country, and to deliberate on the way
forward.

We think this the only way in which to proceed in Burundi. The demand of the
Paliphehutu-FNL and the criticisms against the Facilitator, Minister Nqakula
has now been changed to criticisms against our special envoy and we think this
is just an excuse to delay progress in the negotiations and we do not think the
international community should countenance this any more. All the countries
have done a lot to bring the Paliphehutu-FNL into the process and now, all the
countries must put pressure on them to ensure they must join the process or
face the actions against them.

Middle East

The 11 of November 2007 saw the third anniversary of the death of former
Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) leader Yasser Arafat.

The South African government condemns the violence that resulted in the
deaths of at least seven people. More than 100 others were reportedly wounded
on Monday after gunfire erupted at a rally where hundreds of thousands of
people were commemorating the death of Yasser Arafat.

Three days of mourning have now begun across the Palestinian
territories.

Those responsible for the violence are working against the interests of the
Palestinian people and should be brought to justice.

Middle East Peace Process

As part of his diplomatic push to revive the peace process, President Bush
announced plans for a Middle East Peace Process Conference. No date has been
set yet for the Conference. It was to have been held in November but it is
clear it will not take place. There is some suggestion that it will be held in
December.

The Arab League has supported the holding of the Middle East Peace
Conference and emphasised that all stakeholders should participate. The Arab
League has also indicated that there should be real outcomes and it should not
just be a meeting for the sake of having a meeting.

The Palestinian authorities have requested that South Africa be invited to
participate in this Conference. We have yet to receive an invitation but if
invited, it is expected that President Mbeki will attend this meeting.

In the latest round of talks held on 10 September 2007, the Palestinian
National Authority's President Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Olmert agreed
to set up negotiating teams to work on key issues of disagreement, that include
water and energy, ahead of the conference.

However, the core issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, namely the
borders of a future Palestinian state, the fate of Palestinian refugees and the
disputed city of Jerusalem still have not been tackled.

Press Conference on situation of Palestine Relief Agency

Without significantly more resources, the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) would not be able to
continue its work and deliver the quality of basic services that refugees were
entitled to, said UNRWA Commissioner-General Karen Koning AbuZayd at a
Headquarters press conference last week.

AbuZayd expressed the hope that, this year, Member States would back a
three-year extension of the UNRWA mandate, increased funding for the agency,
and the creation of 10 new posts for the current biennium.

"Considering the scale of our responsibilities under normal circumstances
and the additional burdens we are bearing at present in several fields, we
believe our request is modest and entirely justified," she said.

She said that UNRWA assists about 4,5 million people in Jordan, Syria,
Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza. Among the 'additional burdens' being placed on
the Agency were the negative repercussions of recent punitive measures taken by
Israel, in particular, the tightening of restrictions on movement and access
into and out of the Gaza strip.

Those restrictions were increasing humanitarian distress levels in the
region and diminishing supplies of much-needed food, drugs and other medicines,
she said. She gave examples of their effects, among them a 71 per cent decrease
in goods going into the Gaza strip since May -- 253 trucks per day entering the
region in May, compared with 74 trucks per day currently. There was now zero
stock in 91 different drugs, she added, compared to zero stock in 61 types of
drugs just last month. There were also reports that primary health care clinics
were out of paediatric antibiotics and there was a shortage of chronic disease
drugs.

In terms of nutrition, AbuZayd said that 80 per cent of the population in
Gaza was now living on World Food Programme or UNRWA rations. "It's very basic
rations of flour, oil, sugar, and a bit of lentils and powdered milk. It's not
good enough," she said. "UNRWA rations, in fact, only give 61 per cent of the
day's nutritional value."

"Something needs to be done to make up for these decreasing supplies and the
continually decreasing economy of Gaza," she continued. Increased donations
from Member States and an increase in funds coming from the United Nations
regular budget were necessary to help UNRWA assist the populations in need. The
Agency was currently operating with a budget deficit of more than $90 million
and the deficit was expected to be $112 million next year.

She noted that financing for the Agency comes from various sources. Five per
cent of its income comes from the United Nations regular budget, and is used to
cover staffing costs. Funding from major humanitarian donors, such as the
United States, the European Union, and the Scandinavian countries, was helping
UNRWA to cover basic services, like primary healthcare, primary education and
basic social services.

Meanwhile, Arab States such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates
were donating funds to help cover the costs of some infrastructure projects to
improve the living conditions in refugee camps. Those States were increasing
their funding for more general services as well.

"It's the additional things which we don't consider luxuries - we consider
them necessities - that are creating this large deficit over the last couple of
years", she said.  Improving the deteriorating conditions of the refugee
camps was a major part of what was not being funded.

For its part, Ms. AbuZayd said, the UNRWA needed to improve its management
capacity to plan, monitor and evaluate its work, and to improve its fundraising
capabilities and its ability to explain its work to the rest of the
world.  Those improvements were at the heart of UNRWA's current
organizational development plan. 

Asked about the rebuilding of the Nahr el-Bared refugee camp, Ms. AbuZayd
said everyone was working as fast as possible but that rebuilding could take a
few years.  In the meantime, UNRWA had built new temporary housing and was
providing rental subsidies to refugees.  They had launched a $55 million
appeal for those efforts and already $20 million had been pledged.

The Commissioner-General was also asked about the impact of recently
released video footage which seemed to show rockets being launched from an
UNRWA school in Gaza.  She said violations of UNRWA installations had
happened in the past and her Agency had complained many times to both sides
about those incidents.  She added, "I think the powers in Gaza right now
will try to do something.  They are willing to try to protect the UNRWA
installations.  They know they need to protect our presence in Gaza."

In closing, Ms. AbuZayd said she looked forward to the upcoming conference
in Annapolis, Maryland, as an event which could perhaps move the whole process
forward and provide relief to the refugee population which was "shattered,
generally, about what's going on and losing any hope for the future and for
their children".

The current situation, especially in the Gaza strip, was not moving the
region closer to peace.  "We're losing the fight to those who are on the
extreme end of the groups in Gaza", she said.  "They're the ones that are
benefiting from this isolation and this continual squeeze on Gaza and its
economy and on the people of Gaza."

Nuclear Non-Proliferation

Iran and the IAEA

The IAEA released its latest report on the "Implementation of the NPT
Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran" on 30 August 2007.
Although the Agency was able to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear
material in Iran, it remained unable to verify certain aspects on the scope and
nature of Iran's nuclear programme. To work on the remaining issues, Iran and
the IAEA agreed on 21 August 2007 to a "Work Plan" that includes timelines for
resolving the outstanding matters. No resolution was tabled for consideration
by the September 2007 IAEA Board of Governors meeting and a Chair's Summary was
adopted that noted the Director General's Report and the Work Plan.
Significantly, the Director General reiterated his call for a "double time-out"
of all enrichment related activities and of UNSC sanctions that could provide a
breathing space for negotiations to resume. The "Work Plan" is considered a
positive step towards resolving the impasse. Nevertheless there are discussions
amongst the P5 in the Security Council and Germany on a possible third
resolution on Iran, possibly in November 2007.

Iran – EU Negotiations
Iran's new top nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili will meet with European Union
foreign policy chief Javier Solana later this month to discuss Tehran's nuclear
program. This follows talks held in Rome in October 2007.

Both sides described the meeting in October as constructive, but no
breakthroughs were made.

The South African government will continue to call on the Iranian government
to meet their commitments in order to resolve outstanding issues with the IAEA.
We will continue to ask the international community to continue with their
negotiations and we hope that any "noise" of possible military action against
Iran is just that, "noise."

It is a matter of serious concern and we will continue to interact with the
Iranians, with the region as a whole, the Arab League and the UN to see what we
can do to contribute to fastracking this process within the IAEA to ensure
there is no military action in the region. We believe this will be negative and
impact on peace and security throughout the region.

As you can see, the IRPS Cluster is seized with a lot of issues. We see some
progress but we are happy the Cluster is functioning effectively and that the
voice of South Africa is highly respected.

Thank you.

Questions and Answer: s
Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, there are some reports that the President
Mbeki discussed with President El-Bashir the acceptance by Sudan of some
non-combatant troops (logistical units) from countries like Norway and Sweden,
for instance?
Answer:
              In
terms of the AU Peace and Security resolution and endorsed by the UN Security
Council resolution, there is a general acceptance that the composition of the
force should be African. Off course, if we cannot get the full component from
Africa, then off course, we will look at other contributions.

There is an understanding and I referred to it: the heavy package in support
of the forces which most of the African armies do not have, will be provided by
other countries through the UN. There is some debate about offers coming from
some countries and until we begin to resolve what offers have been made, what
has been accepted from Africa, it will be very difficult to look at offers from
outside of Africa.

This is work in progress and we are in discussions with the Sudanese
government and continuing discussions at the Security Council. We are trying to
quickly find some agreement on the composition and in the context of who has
made what pledges and those that have been accepted.

We hope this matter will be resolved very quickly because as I referred to
the interview of the general who will command the UNAMID, it is crucial that
the three components – the UN, AU and the Sudanese government now finalise the
agreement about the composition we can begin to move forward.

I have stressed quite consistently that this is an element of the larger
problem: when you solve who will contribute what, then you must discuss how you
will operationalise them.

Without the heavy support package from the developed countries, you will not
be able to achieve that and that is why I think that our emphasis should now be
on the developed countries to contribute to the heavy support package that they
have promised.

We were assured that the earlier problems of logistics and the fact that the
heavy planes that were bringing equipment for the headquarters could not land
because of the tarmac in the area, has now been resolved. It has been agreed
that those heavy planes will go to Khartoum and smaller planes will transport
the equipment to the Darfur region. So, there has been some movement.

There have been offers from Thailand, Norway, Sweden and a few others in
terms of specialized units. The feeling from many sources is that there are
some possibilities from Africa and the pledges that have been made that we
should investigate solving this from what has been pledged from Africa.

Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, on the issue of Burundi, I understand that
the FNL was to have met with the Tanzanian Foreign Minister to discuss areas of
concern. How far have they gone in this? How was this perceived by the
Facilitator, Minister Charles Nqakula?
Answer:
              I
am not sure why the Paliphehutu-FNL are meeting with the Tanzanian Foreign
Minister. I hope that they were referred back to the Facilitator because they
Paliphehutu-FNL have made their problems with the Facilitator public. We have
responded to this to say that these are irrelevant criticisms. They must join
the processes and participate in the Joint Verification and Monitoring
Mechanism (JVMM) and in terms of the Comprehensive Agreement ascertain how they
fit in once an agreement has been finalised.

I am not sure what they want to discuss and whether they indeed have held
discussions with the Tanzanian Foreign Minister.

The Facilitator has talked to both the Presidents of Tanzania and Uganda who
are the heads of the Regional Initiative and they fully support the
Facilitator.

So if the Paliphehutu-FNL have specific problems, they should not attempt to
divide the Facilitation team from other countries. They should come to report
to the Facilitator.

All this will be resolved by the proposed conference that we hope will take
place soon and that can only be called by the Presidents of Tanzania and
Uganda.

The key problem is: are the Paliphehutu-FNL genuinely committed to finding a
solution? It has been going on for two long – these parallel initiatives after
the agreements have been signed. They do not seem genuinely committed and are
always trying to find excuses to delay the processes of coming to a final
resolution.

There is nothing they can get outside of discussions with the Facilitation
team who is working on behalf of the regional team so we would advise them to
not waste their money which is largely subsidised by South Africa and to use
their resources to participate in genuine negotiations.

Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, I'd like to know what is South Africa's
position on Pakistan?
Answer:
              We
did not deal with this matter since it does not form part of the progress
reports.

It is a new situation.

There has been a debate regarding whether martial law is also a state of
emergency. We have expressed our view that this is a matter of grave concern to
the region, to South Africa and indeed the Commonwealth which will to a Summit
in a few days time. The Commonwealth has made it clear that if certain things
do not happen and there is no return to democracy and preparation for elections
as well as certain actions taken, then the Commonwealth will have no recourse
but to suspend Pakistan from the Commonwealth.

We have noted that President Musharaf has committed himself to step down as
a general and prepare for the election sin February 2008 as was promised but
under marshal law there is a lot of arrests taking place. Many people including
the opposition leader Bhutto have been placed under house arrest and clearly
the tensions are too great to resolve in this way.

We have to return to democracy, create the conditions for participation in a
peaceful way. This is the only way in which to deal with the terrorist and
extremist threats within Pakistan.

I want to repeat and we have never said we are not confident that the
nuclear potential in Pakistan is not safeguarded. But, in such a volatile
situation, this is an added concern and the South African government will again
call on the Pakistani authorities who have made it clear that they are indeed
taking care of these facilities to continue to do so.

We will through the Commonwealth Summit that will be attended by President
Mbeki and the Ministerial meeting by Minister Dlamini Zuma further discuss this
matter and ascertain what if anything can be done to help normalise the
situation and return to democracy in Pakistan.

Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, could you confirm whether the APRM report
was indeed presented to President Mbeki last week?
Answer:
              I
do not think this report was presented to the President. I have been out of the
country but I am sure it would have been public if so.

I think it has been accepted by the Heads of State, I think Minister
Fraser-Moleketi was in Algeria last week to discuss the way forward. We have
already had consultations with non-governmental structures – labour, business
and other civil society members. I am assuming you could not have discussions
with them unless you discuss elements of the report. So I would urge the
relevant Ministers to make this report public as soon as possible.

Question: Deputy Minister Pahad, is South African confident that Rwanda has
not been helping General Nkunda in the eastern DRC?
Answer:   Well, as you know, there is a committee chaired by the United
States which involves the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which deals with all
these issues on a constant basis. We believe all these matters are discussed
there. We have not had any concrete evidence given to us that the Rwandans are
supporting General Nkunda. Notwithstanding this, we have continued to deal with
all the countries to urge them to not support any breakaway groups from our
international efforts to create one army and we will continue to do this.

The latest agreement is very important because it has opened up the broad
space for the region to move towards moving dealing firstly, with the
Interahamwe in the east. This then creates the climate to deal with any other
forces that are disrupting the process. I think that we are all very happy that
this agreement has been reached after a long while. Now our task is to use this
agreement to deal with the totality and complexity of all the threats to the
stability of the DRC.

If and when we get any evidence of Rwandan support which we do not have, we
will deal with this matter bilaterally and multilaterally.

Issued by: Department of Foreign Affairs
14 November 2007